Full article at link. Pretty interesting read.
Jackson may not register nationally as an outpost of bohemianism like Austin or big city liberalism like Atlanta. But its city government, which is majority black and Democratic, refuses to fly the Confederate-themed state flag at municipal buildings, and this month voted unanimously to oppose a new state law that creates special legal protections for opponents of same sex marriage.
Jackson is among a group of Southern cities from Dallas to Durham, N.C., where the digital commons, economic growth and a rising cohort of millennials have helped remake the culture. Many of these cities have found themselves increasingly at odds with their states, and here in a region that remains the most conservative in the country, the conflicts are growing more frequent and particularly tough.
Fights are raging over gay rights here and in North Carolina, where a new law limits transgender bathroom access and pre-empts local governments from passing their own anti-discrimination ordinances. The resistance has been particularly fierce in North Carolina, where companies have called off expansion plans and Ringo Starr and Bruce Springsteen have canceled concerts.
The potential consequences of these boycotts point up the complications, though: in a South dominated by the politics of rural and suburban conservatives, a canceled rock concert or technology project is likely to punish the places that oppose the legislation, and have little effect on the areas that support it.
The skirmishes over gay rights are only part of the growing conflict between Southern cities, with their mostly Democratic municipal governments, and Southern state legislatures, which have come to be dominated by Republicans. While the region’s state leaders may still espouse opposition to the federal government and to leftward trends in the national culture, they are increasingly having to quell mini-insurgencies in their own urban backyards.
Lawmakers in Alabama and Missouri recently blocked cities from setting up their own minimum wages, while Charlotte and Jackson have fought with the states over control of their municipal airports. North Carolina’s Republican Legislature has redrawn city council districts and tried to stop municipalities from becoming “sanctuary cities” for immigrants. The Arkansas and Tennessee Legislatures have passed laws that, like North Carolina’s, ban local anti-discrimination ordinances that differ from state law.
This version of a civil war even extends to the Civil War. Alabama is considering a law that would prevent local jurisdictions from removing Confederate symbols without state approval, the Virginia legislature recently passed a similar one — though it was vetoed — and Republican legislators in Louisiana unsuccessfully pushed a law that could have blocked a New Orleans plan to move Confederate monuments.
But Southern cities have pushed back with vigor. Birmingham and Kansas City tried to go forward with minimum wage laws even after their states overruled them. Several in Arkansas passed anti-discrimination ordinances despite the state law intended to ban them. Across Mississippi, cities, counties and public institutions have responded to the Legislature’s unwillingness to take the Confederate battle cross out of the state flag by refusing to fly the flag altogether.
All of this exasperates conservative lawmakers like State Senator Bart Hester, an Arkansas Republican, who says he is constantly trying to play defense against a rapidly changing culture.
“Ten years ago, no one would have ever imagined someone would have deserved protections under civil rights because they didn’t know what gender they were,” he said. His biggest frustrations as a legislator, he continued, are dealing with municipalities, on everything from gay rights to taxes. “It just shocks me every day how different our opinions and basic core values are,” he said.
Fourteen of the 20 fastest-growing metro areas in the nation between 2010 and 2015 were in the South, according to an analysis of census data by the Institute for Southern Studies. That boom has not been driven by heavy industry, but by banking, insurance, health care and, increasingly, technology.