During the battle over the Clinton plan, conservative talk radio hosts and insurance-industry advertising on television conjured up lurid fears that the federal government would control every detail of medical care. But it wasn't only the right-wing noise machine that stirred up panic with outright fabrications. The New Republic carried an article that charged the Clinton bill would "prevent you from going outside the system to buy basic health coverage you think is better. The doctor can be paid only by the plan, not by you." In fact, one of the first provisions of the bill stated: "Nothing in this Act shall be construed as prohibiting the following: (1) An individual from purchasing any health care services."
In a January 1995 Atlantic article, "A Triumph of Misinformation," James Fallows patiently went through the whole catalog of distortions about the Clinton health plan -- that it had been "hatched in secret," got bogged down and delivered too late, constituted a government takeover of health care when the problem was "solving itself," and was developed and presented in so politically naive and doctrinaire a way that the administration missed the chance for bipartisan compromise. But, Fallows notwithstanding, the Hillarycare myths live on even in the same magazine. In an article last year, The Atlantic's Joshua Green repeated many of the old canards about the task force and Hillary that Fallows had shown were wrong.
Like Green's article, Carl Bernstein's biography argues that Hillary doomed the health plan because of her secretiveness and rigidity. Bernstein, who can't get the basic facts right, supposes that Hillary was entirely in control. He writes that "by the time Hillary had begun consulting with experts, she already knew where she wanted to go" (as if her husband had not earlier made that decision); that the plan would have replaced Medicare; and that Hillary's "message was unambiguous: she did not want negotiations that would end in compromise" and she "rejected [Bill's] attempts at getting her to compromise." In fact, Bill Clinton made the very decisions about the health plan that Bernstein attributes to Hillary. He chose to submit an ambitious program to Congress rather than a more limited one, hoping to make compromises later. There were repeated approaches to the Republicans, but as Hillary told Fallows, "Every time we moved toward them, they would move away." As time was running out, in September 1994, Hillary did have her reservations when the president gave his approval to Sen. John Breaux of Louisiana to make one concession after another to get Republican support, but it turned out she was right. The Republicans were the ones who for political reasons did not want negotiations to end in compromise. And that gamble paid off for them in the 1994 elections.