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More great reporting from Ta-Nehisi Coates.
The basis of the article is the landmark report by Daniel Patrick Moniyhan on The Black Family published in 1969.
The report itself was very prophetic and controversial, while it didn't have any specific recommendations. Later he clarified more actionable policies:
The Family Assistance Plan didn't make it out of Congress. Instead of that, we entered an era of mass incarceration that has defined modern law urban enforcement since.
That's just a taste. The rest of the article is here:
http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine...mily-in-the-age-of-mass-incarceration/403246/
For anyone trying to understand the state of American racial politics, this is good starting point.
More great reporting from Ta-Nehisi Coates.
The basis of the article is the landmark report by Daniel Patrick Moniyhan on The Black Family published in 1969.
Influenced by the civil-rights movement, Moynihan focused on the black family. He believed that an undue optimism about the pending passage of civil-rights legislation was obscuring a pressing problem: a deficit of employed black men of strong character. He believed that this deficit went a long way toward explaining the African American community’s relative poverty. Moynihan began searching for a way to press the point within the Johnson administration. “I felt I had to write a paper about the Negro family,” Moynihan later recalled, “to explain to the fellows how there was a problem more difficult than they knew.” In March of 1965, Moynihan printed up 100 copies of a report he and a small staff had labored over for only a few months.
The report was called “The Negro Family: The Case for National Action.” Unsigned, it was meant to be an internal government document, with only one copy distributed at first and the other 99 kept locked in a vault. Running against the tide of optimism around civil rights, “The Negro Family” argued that the federal government was underestimating the damage done to black families by “three centuries of sometimes unimaginable mistreatment” as well as a “racist virus in the American blood stream,” which would continue to plague blacks in the future:
The report itself was very prophetic and controversial, while it didn't have any specific recommendations. Later he clarified more actionable policies:
But Moynihan still professed concern for the family, and for the black family in particular. He began pushing for a minimum income for all American families. Nixon promoted Moynihan’s proposal—called the Family Assistance Plan—before the American public in a television address in August of 1969, and officially presented it to Congress in October. This was a personal victory for Moynihan—a triumph in an argument he had been waging since the War on Poverty began, over the need to help families, not individuals. “I felt I was finally rid of a subject. A subject that just … spoiled my life,” Moynihan told The New York Times that November. “Four—long—years of being called awful things. The people you would most want to admire you detesting you. Being anathematized and stigmatized. And I said, ‘Well, the President’s done this, and now I’m rid of it.’ ”
The Family Assistance Plan didn't make it out of Congress. Instead of that, we entered an era of mass incarceration that has defined modern law urban enforcement since.
From the mid-1970s to the mid-’80s, America’s incarceration rate doubled, from about 150 people per 100,000 to about 300 per 100,000. From the mid-’80s to the mid-’90s, it doubled again. By 2007, it had reached a historic high of 767 people per 100,000, before registering a modest decline to 707 people per 100,000 in 2012. In absolute terms, America’s prison and jail population from 1970 until today has increased sevenfold, from some 300,000 people to 2.2 million. The United States now accounts for less than 5 percent of the world’s inhabitants—and about 25 percent of its incarcerated inhabitants. In 2000, one in 10 black males between the ages of 20 and 40 was incarcerated—10 times the rate of their white peers. In 2010, a third of all black male high-school dropouts between the ages of 20 and 39 were imprisoned, compared with only 13 percent of their white peers.
That's just a taste. The rest of the article is here:
http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine...mily-in-the-age-of-mass-incarceration/403246/
For anyone trying to understand the state of American racial politics, this is good starting point.