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Stuff is insane. The Russian legislation has had a really bumpy ride the past five years, but this is especially vile. I do realize that most of this is just to show off and/or threaten the opposition (or, rather, any people willing to fill the massive political void that exists today) and it will be business as usual, more or less. That's how it usually works, but there are some things I don't really understand. For instance, how are the phone companies supposed to store every phonecall for six months? How are messengers supposed to provide the FSB with encryption keys they don't have themselves? It's just impossible, basically, or costs a lot.
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Stuff is insane. The Russian legislation has had a really bumpy ride the past five years, but this is especially vile. I do realize that most of this is just to show off and/or threaten the opposition (or, rather, any people willing to fill the massive political void that exists today) and it will be business as usual, more or less. That's how it usually works, but there are some things I don't really understand. For instance, how are the phone companies supposed to store every phonecall for six months? How are messengers supposed to provide the FSB with encryption keys they don't have themselves? It's just impossible, basically, or costs a lot.
Failure to report a crime
Beginning on July 20, 2016, the failure to report a crime will itself become a criminal offense. Russians will be required to inform the authorities about anything they know regarding preparations for terrorist attacks, armed rebellions, and several other kinds of crimes on a list that has more than half a dozen different offenses. Anyone who doesn't faces up to a year in prison.
Justifying terrorism on social media
Publishing online incitements to terrorism, or even expressing approval of terrorism on the Internet, will be regarded legally as publishing such comments in the mass media, subjecting individuals to the same strict penalties now imposed on media outlets. The maximum punishment for publicly inciting or justifying terrorism is seven years in prison.
Telephone and SMS records, and police access to that data
One part of Yarovaya's legislation that passed the Duma almost without revisions is the language creating new requirements for how Russia's telecoms store data. Now companies like Megafon, Beeline, and MTS will have to store records of all calls and text messages exchanged between customers for a period of six months. And for three years, the companies will need to keep the metadata on all calls and text messages (the information about when and between whom messages occurred, but not the actual content of the messages). The same rules will apply to the organizers of information distribution on the Internet. (State regulators will identify the Web resources that qualify as information-distribution organizers.) While telecom companies will have to store metadata for three years, organizers will only need to hold onto the information for one year.
Data encryption
There's another important amendment aimed at organizers of information distribution on the Internet: if an online servicea messenger app, a social network, an email client, or even just a websiteencrypts its data, its owners will be required to help the Federal Security Service decipher any message sent by its users. The fine for refusing to cooperate can be as high as a million rubles (more than $15,000).
Missionary work
Yarovaya's legislation tightens regulations on Russia's religious sphere of life, creating a thoroughly broad definition of missionary work, which will now be off limits to anyone not formally affiliated with registered organizations or groups. And any kind of missionary work will now be restricted to specially designated areas. The fines for violating these new regulations can reach 1 million rubles.
Tougher punishments for extremism
The legislation means people convicted of extremism go to prison more often and for longer. Those who don't end up behind bars will pay more money in fines. In some cases, the changes are extraordinary. For example, people currently convicted of financing extremist activities (Article 282.3 of Russia's criminal code) now face up to three years in prison, though they're not always incarcerated. Under Yarovaya's reforms, the maximum sentence rises to eight years, and the crime now carries a minimum prison sentence of three years.
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What didn't make it into the legislation?
Revoking people's citizenship. Before the second reading of the legislation, Yarovaya and her coauthors proposed various grounds for revoking Russians' citizenship. This would have applied in several circumstances, including anyone convicted of terrorist or extremist crimes, and even Russians who cooperated with certain kinds of international organizations.
Revoking people's right to leave the country. The legislation's first reading also proposed banning foreign travel for anyone who received an official warning regarding the inadmissibility of illegal actions committed. This would have applied extrajudicially. For the second reading, lawmakers changed the amendment, proposing foreign travel restrictions only on Russians with outstanding or unexpunged convictions for certain crimes (namely, terrorism and extremism). In the end, the State Duma decided to drop these reforms altogether.
Why these amendments appeared in the legislation after its first reading and disappeared on the eve of the second reading remains unknown.