Random Human
They were trying to grab your prize. They work for the mercenary. The masked man.
Such a great writer.
Sorry I don't think I got my point across. I wasn't talking about Trump winning, I am talking about Democrats trying to win in the future.
I think this article shines a light on the fact that if there is a large portion of the country that does not want equality. So a Democrat that preaches for equality, that blacks should have the same opportunities as whites, and that a white man is no better than a black man is going to find it hard to win over these people.
If that same democrat instead focuses on working class issues, things that on a surface level don't necessarily work to destroy their perception of being better than other races, they have better chance of securing those voters.
Excellent post. It is great to recognize this about ourselves and there is great honesty and soul in what you've outlined here. But what is next is the question I pose? I want all progressives, including white progressives, to push the policy that will help fix these problems. I want to empower minorities to live and work with and amongst white people at large. I can't change hearts and minds over night, though I call out bigotry as I encounter it. But I can champion policy that helps rectify these issues.
I like Coates' article and his writing in general. And he makes fair points about some white progressives. But some, like myself, are trying to make change for the better materialize by supporting good policy.
Not only do we need that come to Jesus moment Lex mentioned, but we also have to be a lot better at not scratching that self-congratulatory, pious itch that breaks out so clearly and strongly on our skin whenever we start to feel like maybe we're not getting enough credit for being "good allies."
Whether you want it to be read that way or not, it looks like you're making sure to take time out and ensure others are noticing your "not all white progressives" status over continuing to put in the work.
If his shoe doesn't fit you don't have to put it on—and you also don't have to stand and let everyone know how poorly he's got your foot size measured.
You can just keep walking the right path.
Packer dismisses the Democratic Party as a coalition of rising professionals and diversity. The dismissal is derived from, of all people, Lawrence Summers, the former Harvard president and White House economist, who last year labeled the Democratic Party a coalition of the cosmopolitan élite and diversity. The inference is that the party has forgotten how to speak on hard economic issues and prefers discussing presumably softer cultural issues such as diversity. Its worth unpacking what, precisely, falls under this rubric of diversityresistance to the monstrous incarceration of legions of black men, resistance to the destruction of health providers for poor women, resistance to the effort to deport parents, resistance to a policing whose sole legitimacy is rooted in brute force, resistance to a theory of education that preaches no excuses to black and brown children, even as excuses are proffered for mendacious corporate executives too big to jail. That this suite of concerns, taken together, can be dismissed by both an elite economist like Summers and a brilliant journalist like Packer as diversity simply reveals the safe space they enjoy. Because of their identity.
Those progressive white people actually have a lot of privilege and advantage, in that their lack of wealth, power and debt does not put them in immediate danger of murder by law enforcement. This gives them the luxury of pretending they are helpless to act because they don't control the levers of power.
Black people have never controlled the levers of power and yet somehow found ways to fight unceasingly for civil rights.
Also:
Did the Democratic Party under Obama actually do a particularly good job of "resisting" any of those things? I certainly don't see it.
Coates does not claim they did, merely that they talked about them, and that that is what these people are labeling as "diversity."
And, just to bring your point to its conclusion, that merely acknowledging these issues as issues worth addressing prompted backlash from whites.
That's clear. Essentially he said that Trump would not become president, if he wasn't white or male.
I don't really think so, and that's just my opinion, of course. I perceive Trump as an all out opportunist. He doesn't really stand for anything concrete, there is a goal and there are opportunities to use. Had he not been white, he would have used his skin color to his advantage. One could argue that racism in US would not have allowed him to become so popular, but there is Obama.
What I said was that being white or male doesn't really help you become a president that much.
According to WP article, most quotes there are indirect, although I think he likely did say that.
But this, too - this "appeal to broad-based 'working class' issues without confronting white supremacy" - would actually just be "appealing to white voters" (by focusing on issues that do not offend them), not "appealing to the working class."
It would be a capitulation to the Trump strategy - focus on white anxiety at the expense of minority issues - as one that is worthy of being emulated.
The instinct in these situations should be to seek out more things that you personally should be doing and to likewise attract others to follow you in doing them, not to hold what you've already done as a counterpoint.
And I'll admit that I'm not there yet, either, not in the sense that I think what I do is enough (it's absolutely not) but in the sense that I allow myself to be paralyzed by doubt and indecision about what it is that I should be doing and don't end up doing anything meaningful at all. That's a habit I desperately need to kick if I really believe what I say I believe.
edit: I realize, Muppet, that the question of "what to do" is already on your mind. I'm just reiterating that that question is one that always needs an answer, and that answer shouldn't ever include a "but."
They've talked about those things, sure, to some extent, and it certainly has provoked white backlash. In practice, though, their definition of "diversity" has been more concerned with meritocracy and with ensuring that the 1% is demographically representative of the rest of the population than with crafting policies that directly tackle the material consequences of racism and sexism that Coates enumerates in this particular passage.
It's important to separate leftist critiques of that shallow, facile version of "diversity" from the criticism offered by centrist dipshits like Lilla who genuinely do want to throw minorities and "their" issues under the bus, and I don't think Coates really attempts to do that here.
Hang on a minute I'm not American, Obama actually presented his birth cert to placate those fuckin tools?! Fuckin hell.
Brutal and wonderfully done. Trump is the most racist President since KKK Lovin' Wilson, and he's revenge from white people for having the first black President. I thought there was no way he could win with such little minority support, given that whites are declining as a percentage of the population, but they simply banded together even stronger to elect one of the most racist and certainly the most unqualified President ever. Stunning, but I and others should have seen it coming.
Fuck this piece is good.The name Barack Obama does not appear in Lillas essay, and he never attempts to grapple, one way or another, with the fact that it was identity politicsthe possibility of the first black presidentthat brought a record number of black voters to the polls, winning the election for the Democratic Party, and thus enabling the deliverance of the ancient liberal goal of national health care. Identity politics is largely expressive, not persuasive, Lilla claims. Which is why it never wins electionsbut can lose them. That Trump ran and won on identity politics is beyond Lillas powers of conception. What appeals to the white working class is ennobled. What appeals to black workers, and all others outside the tribe, is dastardly identitarianism. All politics are identity politicsexcept the politics of white people, the politics of the bloody heirloom.
They've talked about those things, sure, to some extent, and it certainly has provoked white backlash. In practice, though, their definition of "diversity" has been more concerned with meritocracy and with ensuring that the 1% is demographically representative of the rest of the population than with crafting policies that directly tackle the material consequences of racism and sexism that Coates enumerates in this particular passage.
It's important to separate leftist critiques of that shallow, facile version of "diversity" from the criticism offered by centrist dipshits like Lilla who genuinely do want to throw minorities and "their" issues under the bus, and I don't think Coates really attempts to do that here.
Coates is a white liberal fave, and what he says might be provocative to them (that might be the intent), I was largely...unmoved by the piece. It's greatly written but I'm like "yup, of course, duh" the entire time
Not written for us, though it's hard not to get caught up reading the whole thing. It's like a Junot Diaz book, I'm turning the page and idk when I'm gonna stop.Coates is a white liberal fave, and what he says might be provocative to them (that might be the intent), I was largely...unmoved by the piece. It's greatly written but I'm like "yup, of course, duh" the entire time
I think he does an invaluable service by articulating issues in a very detailed way so they can serve as a sounding board, a reference point, for where to make improvements via policy. His breakdown also helps to create points of attack against right wing talking points, and he clearly outlines what is problematic about the status quo in an academic way, which then can filter down to the media and society at large.
I wish he wrote more on his thoughts about how to mitigate systemic issues via policy, though. His most impactful stuff in my opinion will be essays that take that sort of proactive bent, like his essay on reparations.
I don't think it really serves as a method to defend against right wing talking points cause half the piece was a critique on white liberalism
Coates is a white liberal fave, and what he says might be provocative to them (that might be the intent), I was largely...unmoved by the piece. It's greatly written but I'm like "yup, of course, duh" the entire time
👀
Sanders and crew propose class remedies that lack the requisite level of class struggle to shift racism, but that doesn't invalidate them
Just like racisms continued existence doesn't on its face invalidate affirmative action. BUT...
Getting even more technocratically race specific is not a path to victory. Going harder on the class struggle tip, that has real potential
Black people have improved in times of major class struggle. The particularities of race oppression were attached to larger class struggles
US slavery didn't end with a race war. There were conflicting & competing interests at stake--among white folk--and enough for them to kill
Coates can go in on certain left people's racial shenanigans, but he can't propose racial technocracy, he's gotta be a revolutionary
Getting even more technocratically race specific is not a path to victory. Going harder on the class struggle tip, that has real potential
There is indeed nothing revolutionary with attaching racial struggles to an overarching class struggle. This has been the vehicle with which most of the gains of blacks in America has been borne, and sure, we can hope for some gains following this moderate paradigm. This essay exists in 2017 to say it isn't enough.
We see time and again the needs of whites to feel exceptional in America has been put before justice at every call, and Trump's election is a referendum of this fact. This Coates essay is not interested in marginal black improvement, but the validation of justice by exposing the damaging truth of moderate rhetoric and neoliberalism.
Bingo, you understand perfectly.The obvious problem with Stephens' alternative is that without democratic participation this can very easily become a situation where non-black leftists tell black people to wait their turn for revolution. While I think the truly radical left is the most racially aware and racially inclusive movement in America, wider left-wing causes like the Bernie Sanders campaign have some serious racial blindspots. This came out during the Netroots Black Lives Matter debacle and some of the Southern primaries, exposing a lot of nasty racism among the Reddit/Young Turks type of Sanders fans.
Damn.Hell of an article, and some incredible lines.
"It is as if the white tribe united in demonstration to say, If a black man can be president, then any white manno matter how fallencan be president.
Makes you think.
Agreed, though I was moved in some way only because it's mostly just really affirming. And it's nice to see him call out the failures of punitocracy, the wack ass think pieces that circumvent talking about the elephant in the room, whiteness.Coates is a white liberal fave, and what he says might be provocative to them (that might be the intent), I was largely...unmoved by the piece. It's greatly written but I'm like "yup, of course, duh" the entire time
There's a lot of merit to the idea that overturning white supremacy is more effective and attainable through a broader anti-capitalist movement.
Yeah, how you gonna have a revolution without black folks. They need our ireBingo, you understand perfectly.
Coates is a white liberal fave, and what he says might be provocative to them (that might be the intent), I was largely...unmoved by the piece. It's greatly written but I'm like "yup, of course, duh" the entire time
In order to affect real change you need to attack the power centers of racial oppression: government, law enforcement, religious institutions, educational institutions, financial institutions, corporations, and the media.
Not so surprisingly, those centers maintain their power through money/funding. Money and its distribution through granting of opportunity is the keystone to the enabling racist policy.
That's why Citizens United is such a fucking nightmare. It's why the chipping away of unions and labor rights is a disaster. It's why the unregulated granting of opportunity to mostly whites in education, government, corporations, and by financial institutions is the biggest cancer. It is much easier to systematically oppress a population once they are impoverished. And that's what has been done ever since the institution of slavery was abolished.
You cannot have a revolution without "identity politics."
Coates is a white liberal fave, and what he says might be provocative to them (that might be the intent), I was largely...unmoved by the piece. It's greatly written but I'm like "yup, of course, duh" the entire time
I mean, the real problem with this is that in order to even make that point you have to start from the assumption that minority struggles exist by default outside of broader anti-capitalist movements, and that they aren't a necessary component of them.
Instead of the anti-capitalist movements needing to embrace a race-conscious character, it's the identity politics advocates that need to embrace anti-capitalist class struggle.
You're not wrong that the two struggles are bound together and you can't have one without the other, but I think it's unusually convenient that it's minorities who need to get on board with anti-capitalism and not anti-capitalists who need to get on board with - to put it bluntly - the requirement for reparations and justice.
I realize you allude to this later in your post, but it's worth noting that it's not people primarily concerned with race-based issues who overlook class struggle; it's people primarily concerned with class struggle who overlook race-based issues. This is why Coates remarks on white progressives' willingness to elevate class-based issues as central to the 2016 campaign with skepticism, and (I speculate) probably why lots of people recoiled from Sanders and his coalition when his rise was activated by class-based populism.