I have a book out from the library that I haven't taken the time to read yet, but I'm going to recommend that you read it sight-unseen nonetheless. The book is called
When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America and it describes the intentional economic policies enacted during the Great Depression and the ensuing decades which included deals with racist Southern Democrats to give them control implementation of social programs, allowing them to administer these programs in discriminatory ways. It also describes the way in which programs underwriting home ownership and the GI Bill were systematically denied to black veterans to the extent that virtually no black veterans benefited from the GI Bill in the South. I would also recommend you read the book by the woman I quote later in this post,
The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, as well as
Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America. I recommend these to you because you have very firmly held beliefs propped up by very little information, and I suspect that if you learned more you might have different opinions.
This is in addition to the marginalization and exploitation black people in America faced as a result of Jim Crow. For well over a century white men - women of all races were discriminated against on that front - could depend upon the fact that black men were systematically excluded from the most desirable jobs, were not competition for certain kinds of promotions, and would not be paid the same. When you compound this with deliberate government policies that helped white families to grow wealth and enter the middle class in a sustainable fashion while simultaneously denying black families access to these same resources, it is no wonder that today that the median household net worth of white families is
twenty-two times that of black families - and the fact that this number has been exacerbated by the recent recession (up from twelve times as much in 2005) should suggest something to you.
We still have
institutional and structural racism, as well as interpersonal racism. I think you are either ignorant of or in denial about
how badly black people as a group are doing today:
"Recent data shows, though, that much of black progress is a myth. In many respects, African-Americans are doing no better than they were when Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated and uprisings swept inner cities across America. Nearly a quarter of African-Americans live below the poverty line today, approximately the same percentage as in 1968. The black child poverty rate is actually higher now than it was then. Unemployment rates in black communities rival those in Third World countries. And that's with affirmative action!
When we pull back the curtain and take a look at what our "colorblind" society creates without affirmative action, we see a familiar social, political, and economic structure--the structure of racial caste. The entrance into this new caste system can be found at the prison gate."
[...]
Perhaps greater lies have been told in the past century, but they can be counted on one hand. Racial caste is alive and well in America.
Most people don't like it when I say this. It makes them angry. In the "era of colorblindness" there's a nearly fanatical desire to cling to the myth that we as a nation have "moved beyond" race. Here are a few facts that run counter to that triumphant racial narrative:
 There are more African-Americans under correctional control today--in prison or jail, on probation or parole--than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began.
 As of 2004, more African-American men were disenfranchised (due to felon disenfranchisement laws) than in 1870, the year the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified, prohibiting laws that explicitly deny the right to vote on the basis of race.
 A black child born today is less likely to be raised by both parents than a black child born during slavery. The recent disintegration of the African-American family is due in large part to the mass imprisonment of black fathers.
 If you take into account prisoners, a large majority of African-American men in some urban areas have been labeled felons for life. (In the Chicago area, the figure is nearly 80 percent.) These men are part of a growing undercaste--not class, caste--permanently relegated, by law, to a second-class status. They can be denied the right to vote, automatically excluded from juries, and legally discriminated against in employment, housing, access to education, and public benefits, much as their grandparents and great-grandparents were during the Jim Crow era.
I think that there's also white privilege in areas that are caused by cultural narratives that effect black people in particular; people in studies become more likely to identify black men as dangerous and carrying weapons and more likely to identify white men as safe - even when the white men are actually holding a weapon; people become increasingly punitive as a defendant's skin tone becomes darker; or people become increasingly negative about lyrics when told they are rap lyrics (as opposed to the lyrics of white folk singers they actually originate from); or how when asked to close their eyes and picture a drug user, ninety-five percent of respondents imagined a black man and only five percent imagined someone from another race; or how after watching a news story about a crime in which no picture was shown and the race of the accused was not stated, sixty percent claimed to have recalled seeing a picture, and seventy percent of those believed that the man they saw was black; or the inconsistent way that white and black students are treated for similar sexual or aggressive behaviors due to assigning an "intentionality" to black students' actions that weren't attributed to white students (and a good example of the way gender can be racialized). White people benefit from what is often an unconscious, sort of benefit of the doubt that is not afforded to black people.
And the sort of diffuse narratives that cause disparities in racial phenomena like these that effect all of us at a subconscious level - we begin making these judgments about race when we first see a person before we are even consciously aware of them - and manifest in the form of stories and rhetorical devices that white people use to talk about race or racial outcomes that are constructed to avoid making these issues about race.
Necessary form of discrimination, perhaps; racism, no.