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On the eve of President Donald Trump's inauguration, a pretty clear and despondent piece about the tattered remains of the Democratic Party and the challenges it faces trying to revive itself runs in Politico Magazine.
As is usual for Politico Magazine, this article is incredibly long. What I've highlighted here isn't even a fraction of it's complete length. You would do better to just read the whole article rather than just the fragments I am showing you here.
http://www.politico.com/magazine/st...nistration-wilderness-comeback-revival-214650
As is usual for Politico Magazine, this article is incredibly long. What I've highlighted here isn't even a fraction of it's complete length. You would do better to just read the whole article rather than just the fragments I am showing you here.
http://www.politico.com/magazine/st...nistration-wilderness-comeback-revival-214650
As Trump takes over the GOP and starts remaking its new identity as a nationalist, populist party, creating a new political pole in American politics for the first time in generations, all eyes are on the Democrats. How will they confront a suddenly awakened, and galvanized, white majority? Whats to stop Trump from doing whatever he wants? Whos going to pull a coherent new vision together? Worried liberals are watching with trepidation, fearful that Trump is just the beginning of worse to come, desperate for a comeback strategy that can work.
Whats clear from interviews with several dozen top Democratic politicians and operatives at all levels, however, is that there is no comeback strategyjust a collection of half-formed ideas, all of them challenged by reality. And for whatever scheme they come up with, Democrats dont even have a flag-carrier. Barack Obama? He doesnt want the job. Hillary Clinton? Too damaged. Bernie Sanders? Too socialist. Joe Biden? Too tied to Obama. Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer? Too Washington. Elizabeth Warren? Maybe. And all of them old, old, old.
There are now fewer than 700 days until Election Day 2018, as internal memos circulating among Democratic strategists point out with alarm. They differ in their prescriptions, but all boil down to the same inconvenient truth: If Republicans dominate the 2018 midterms, they will control the Senate (and with it, the Supreme Court) for years, and they will draw district lines in states that will lock in majorities in the House and across state capitals, killing the next generation of Democrats in the crib, setting up the GOP for an even more dominant 2020 and beyond.
What scares many Democrats about Trump isnt any particular campaign pledgehis promises to build a wall or keep out Muslims or shut down Obamacare. Those are fights they can wrap their heads around. No, the existential, hair-on-fire threat to the Democratic Party is just how easy it was for Trump to sneak around their flank and rob them of an issue they thought was theirs aloneeconomic populismeven as they partied at fundraisers in Hollywood and the Hamptons.
If theres anyone who can lay claim to having the worst job in Washington, its Chris Van Hollen. A freshman senator from Maryland, he has been charged with leading the Democrats efforts to retake the Senate in 2018. When Schumer, who is expected to stay central to fundraising and campaign strategy, announced Van Hollens role, he somewhat disingenuously described him as our first choiceas in first choice who didnt say no.
Schumer and Van Hollen have a complex calculus ahead of them, driven not only by the need to keep the party base energized against Trump, but also the reality that 10 of their incumbents come from states Trump won and may often align with the president for their own survival. Senate Democrats were facing a terrible 2018 map before Trump, with 25 seats up for grabs, and their prospects have gotten notably worse, with races in already difficult spots like Missouri, North Dakota and West Virginia as the baseline, and potentially new territory opened up in Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, after Trumps wins there. Republicans are defending eight seats, but only one in a state Clinton won.
What Obama conveniently leaves out is how significantly gerrymandering, enabled by state-level losses, has since tilted the House map for Republicans, how different that 2006 Senate map looked from whats ahead, and how at this same point, four years out from Election Day 2008, it was pretty clear that Obama and Clinton and John Edwards and probably Biden and Bill Richardson and all the way down to Dennis Kucinich were going to run for president. Now, no one has any idea who the field will be in 2020, and no one outside Washington knows the names that get talked about in Washington.
With Barack, we skipped a whole generation, Biden told me in an interview in his West Wing office just over a week before Trumps inauguration, when I asked him if he would run in 2020 and what that says about the partys lack of young leaders. Theres also been times when it looked like there were a lot of qualified people who were younger, and all of a sudden you turn to the older folks in the party. He didnt name any.
There is no time for any of it: no time to debate what the party should focus on, no time to recruit candidates, no time to identify new leaders, no time to rebuild Democrats core of operations, no time to unpack everything that went wrong in the 2016 campaign, no time to build a legislative strategy, no time to wrap their heads around how much change is coming to America and American politics.
After decades of neglect, theres nothing else, either.
The Democratic Party now is left literally at zerozero dollars in the bank, zero infrastructure as the Clinton campaign closes up shop, wrote Democratic National Committee consultant Donnie Fowler in a post-mortem ordered by outgoing interim chair Donna Brazile, and, most importantly, zero majority control in Washington and in 33 of the states.
Elections are only as bad as the next one, Garcetti says, when suddenly the impossible becomes possible.
Whatever the truth of that statement, the next two and four years are going to be all about Trump. Anson Kaye, one of Clintons top media consultants, has been spending the weeks since the election giving a presentation on what happened and what he thinks has to happen now. It ends like this: Trump is a radical. / Which makes him an opportunity. / Values first. / Stand up (for the little guy/against bullies/in the line of fire) / Talk like a normal person. / Protect the right to vote. / Treat 2018 like a national election. / Target governors and state legislators.
Then on the final slide: Be clear-eyed about the America we live in.