In early September David Hawk published his latest work on the North Korean prison camp system. Hawk is the best-known English-speaking authority on this subject, having documented the North Korean political camps for nearly 15 years. His new report is called North Koreas Hidden Gulag: Interpreting Reports of Changes in the Prison Camps, and it deals with the recent changes in the North Korean camps.
The major conclusions of the study might surprise many but not the present author and my colleagues. Having analyzed the assorted material, Hawk came to the conclusion that over the last decade or so there have been significant reductions in the scale of the North Korean camp universe. In the 1990s, the number of prisoners was estimated at 150,000-200,000, while the current number appears to be much lower, some 80,000-120,000. Two large camps (Nos. 22 and 18, the latter being the oldest of all North Korean camps, in operation since 1958) have been recently closed.
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From the available anecdotal evidence it seems clear that in the last 15 or 20 years the general trend has been a lessening of repression. This trend includes the abandonment of the family responsibility principle.
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However, from the mid-1990s, things began to change. With increasing frequency, observers began to come across cases where a political criminal was arrested, but his family was allowed to remain free an impossibly liberal attitude by the standards of Kim Il Sung-era. Occasionally, even the families of prominent North Korean refugee political activists escaped prison at least in some cases, the activists in question were even clandestinely sending their family money, thus ensuring that their family would live better than the North Korean average.
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According to the same sources, around 2003-04, a new set of instructions prescribed that the principle should only be applied in very special cases. However, it appears that those arrested earlier because they were family members of political criminals were not immediately released. Therefore, this liberalization was quite limited. Nonetheless, it was clearly a form of liberalization, and the near-complete abandonment of the principle is bound to have a significant impact on the number of people in prison camps.
The partial abolition of the family responsibility principle is merely one of a number of changes indicating the increasing relaxation of state terror. Another area in which liberalization is clear and undeniable is in the treatment of border-crossers caught in China or en route to China. Contrary to what is frequently claimed, most apprehended would-be border-crossers are treated with leniency, and those caught usually get away with just a few months detention (one year seems to be a maximum possible sentence for the average border-crosser). In most cases, even people who have been apprehended for the second or third time get away lightly. Only those known to have been in contact with foreigners especially South Koreans or Christian missionaries face lengthy imprisonment nowadays.