Metaphoreus
This is semantics, and nothing more
"I only ignore the laws I don't like."
That's not what he's saying. He's saying that, as president, he wouldn't be bound to follow Supreme Court opinions--i.e., he's denying your premise, that those opinions are laws. As a practical matter, that goes without saying--it may usually be imprudent to ignore what the Supreme Court says on a subject, but the Supreme Court has no mechanism by which it can enforce its holdings. It has to rely on--wait for it--the executive branch.
But Huckabee's disdain for "judicial supremacy" isn't so clearly wrongheaded on a theoretical level, either. Huckabee--who rightly distinguishes "judicial supremacy" from the concept of "judicial review," despite Wallace's attempted confusion of the issues--isn't taking a position that only someone unlearned in Constitutional law or history would take. Here's Michael Paulsen discussing the topic as addressed in his recent book, The Constitution: An Introduction:
Michael Paulsen said:A consistent motif of the book is the recurrent myth of judicial supremacy in constitutional interpretation a view that most textbook accounts (and law school casebook accounts) wrongly ascribe to the framing generation and to Marbury v. Madison. The power of constitutional interpretation, we observe at various points in the book, is not exclusively vested in the courts, with all other branches and officers of government bound to accept, unthinkingly and reflexively, whatever the courts decide.
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For example, we offer a brief theoretical and practical defense of the propriety of executive and congressional non-acquiescence in judicial precedent that, in the independent judgment of these other actors, conflicts with the Constitution. We explain and defend Congresss prohibition of slavery in national territories notwithstanding the contrary decision in Dred Scott and Lincolns non-enforcement of Chief Justice Taneys constitutional judgment and order in Ex parte Merryman. Further, we take seriously (at least as an original matter) the idea that Congress might legitimately use the impeachment power to remove executive and judicial officers for their perceived flagrant departures from the Constitution.
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Paulsen & Paulsen said:The independence of the judiciary operates as a formidable check on the actions of the other two branches. But Congress and the President have checks on this check, too. Congress largely controls the courts jurisdiction their authority to hear and decide cases. And if the courts decisions conflict with the Constitution itself, Congress and the President possess the power to disregard them (and have done so on certain occasions, as we will see in later chapters). After all, Congress and the President are bound by oath to support and defend the Constitution, and must resist unconstitutional actions by the courts, and by each other, just as the courts are bound to resist violations of the Constitution by Congress and the President.
The courts have power to decide cases and thus check Congress and the President but little practical power to enforce their decisions, and none to command the other two branches. As Alexander Hamilton wrote in The Federalist No. 78, the judicial branch may truly be said to have neither Force nor Will, but merely judgment; and must ultimately depend upon the aid of the executive arm even for the efficacy of its judgments. Indeed, if the courts could command the other two branches, that would violate Madisons (and Montesquieus) rule that the accumulation of all power in one set of hands is the very definition of tyranny. Traditionally, however, Congress and the President have deferred to the constitutional judgments of the Supreme Court with only a few notable exceptions even in cases of extraordinary errors risking great harm to the nation. The courts very weakness thus has become a source of their strength.
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Paulsen & Paulsen said:The power of independent judgment as to the meaning and application of the law is especially significant under the US constitutional regime precisely because the Constitution itself is designated as the supreme law of the land. Courts interpret and apply the law as part of their regular function of deciding cases, and the Constitution is part of the law indeed, the supreme law that courts are to apply. Thus, the courts with the Supreme Court at the top of the hierarchy possess an independent power to interpret and apply the Constitution, as a consequence of their customary power to interpret and apply the law in cases before them.
This does not make the Supreme Court supreme over the other branches recall Madisons statement in The Federalist No. 49 concerning the Constitutions separation of powers: The several departments being perfectly co-ordinate by the terms of their common commission, neither of them, it is evident, can pretend to an exclusive or superior right of settling the boundaries between their respective powers. But it does mean that the framers envisioned the judicial power of constitutional interpretation as a meaningful check on the other branches.