Seriously guys, this FIFA thing is huge.
It might make the Nobel Peace Prize correct after all.
And to think, the GOP held up Lynch for HOW long?
She just went to work after being confirmed! Goddamn
Seriously guys, this FIFA thing is huge.
It might make the Nobel Peace Prize correct after all.
And to think, the GOP held up Lynch for HOW long?
Well, Bernie's fucked*:
http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2015/05/26/3662773/sanders-90-percent-tax/
*moreso
Well, Bernie's fucked*:
http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2015/05/26/3662773/sanders-90-percent-tax/
*moreso
You could help by providing any Libertarian thought on the matter, also from an influential actor.
Sadly I don't have statistical evidence, but I was always referring to certain individuals who held those kinds of beliefs in response to Rand Paul comparing the ACA to slavery. I'm not going to be goaded into taking a position I never held in the first place.
If it was a smear, then it is one that is substantiated and is not totally off-base.
What about Rand Paul being against the CRA? And there have been more than a few articles about how the CRA needs to be repealed on major websites like Reason and Mises.org.
Pretty sure we'd have to do another census if they sided with the guys bringing the suit. From what I can tell they want districts to be based on the number of registered voters or citizens and not total population, which would shift power from urban areas to rural depending on how each state decides to break it up. It would affect stuff like House seats and state government, giving rural areas more representation and urban areas less.
wouldn't you have to do a new census every year? what if a ton of people register after the districts are divided, are they just not represented?
In Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964), this Court held that the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment includes a one-person, one-vote principle. This principle requires that, when members of an elected body are chosen from separate districts, each district must be established on a basis that will insure, as far as is practicable, that equal numbers of voters can vote for proportionally equal numbers of officials. Hadley v. Junior Coll. Dist. of Metro. Kansas City, Mo., 397 U.S. 50, 56 (1970). In 2013, the Texas Legislature enacted a State Senate map creating districts that, while roughly equal in terms of total population, grossly mal-apportioned voters. Appellants, who live in Senate districts significantly overpopulated with voters, brought a one-person, one-vote challenge, which the three-judge district court below dismissed for failure to state a claim. The district court held that Appellants constitutional challenge is a judicially unreviewable political question.
The question presented is whether the one-person, one-vote principle of the Fourteenth Amendment creates a judicially enforceable right ensuring that the districting process does not deny voters an equal vote.
Appellants live in districts that substantially deviate (between 31% and 49%) from the ideal Senate districts in terms of number of voters or potential voters. There are voters or potential voters in Texas whose Senate votes are worth approximately one and one-half times that of Appellants.
If you go towards the end of the NYTimes article you even have Thomas saying it's a dumb idea--this was a few years in the past as this issue tends to come up every now and again.
Well, Bernie's fucked*:
http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2015/05/26/3662773/sanders-90-percent-tax/
*moreso
Fuck population, anyway.
Do it by GDP.
Why should some rural county that produces $10 million in GDP have an equal say as a big city district with $500 billion in GDP? Rural counties don't like it? Pick up their bootstraps and produce more.
Equalize the district by GDP.
This is actually a really interesting case. A short-and-sweet summary:
The problem is that, because Texas used total population rather than eligible voter population in drawing its districts, the voting power of an individual voter differs significantly between districts. The plaintiffs in this case are an example of that phenomenon:
If the plaintiffs prevail, that wouldn't mean that states would have to redraw districts annually--it isn't as if the total population is any less fluid than voter registrations. It also doesn't mean that the states would be required to apportion votes based on registered voters--the plaintiffs mention three different metrics that could be used by the states to calculate the potential voter populations. And, in fact, the plaintiffs aren't even asking for the Court to invalidate apportioning based on total population--instead, they're only seeking to have that method invalidated where it results in skewed voting power between districts.
You're misreading Thomas' comment. He was dissenting from the denial of certiorari in another case, and complaining that the Court had never decided what "population" needed to be apportioned among districts. According to the excerpt from Thomas, permitting states to choose which "population" to apportion would eviscerate the "one-person, one-vote" rule.
This pretty much mirrors what happened with King:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/plum-line/wp/2015/05/27/the-gops-next-big-cause/
Ah, there it is.
Yeeeeeaaaaaah. That's a stretch.
It's a "novel legal theory" that, magically I guess, has "come[] before the courts from time to time." And it "flies in the face of . . . settled precedent" even though even Justice Thomas says they've never addressed the question directly.
And I'm not sure it'd be smart for Democrats to complain that this move is "a naked attempt to take representation away from areas where there are lots of Latinos" when, to the extent this case would make a difference, the particular Latinos of whom "there are lots" in those areas can't legally vote. The Republican response writes itself: Democrats want illegal immigrants to have more voting power--see also their opposition to Voter ID laws.
And this highlights that the blog post is a thinly-veiled attempt to prevent discussion of the merits of the case. What matters to the author--and ivysaur12, apparently--is not whether the plaintiffs' claim is right, but that the plaintiffs are conservative activists. If a person voices support for the plaintiffs--which, the savvy reader will note, I haven't--then he or she looks like a predictable partisan shill whose arguments need not be taken seriously. "See, I told you he'd say that!"
No, it's not a discussion on the merits because there is no reasonable discussion on the merits.
Under the district court’s reasoning, the Texas Legislature could have adopted a Senate map containing 31 districts of equal total population without violating the one-person, one-vote principle—even if 30 of the districts each contained one voter and the 31st district contained all other voters in the State.
Really? You not only have no problem with one voter's vote being 1.5x more potent than another's in electing representatives, but you also deny that anyone could reasonably question such a system? Here's an extreme example given by the plaintiffs in this case:
That implication doesn't even give you pause? And you deny it could anyone else, either?
It's seriously time for some of you to realize that your opinions and beliefs are not the only reasonable ones on offer. People can legitimately disagree with you. That's life.
Your example is an uncited hypothetical in the plaintiff's brief? Really?
Is this a Saw joke? In any event, why should I put more effort into discrediting HyperionX's transparently prejudiced statement than he is willing to put into supporting it?
Your example is an uncited hypothetical in the plaintiff's brief? Really?
Because this isn't debate club or a court of law, it's a social political discussion forum and you had an issue with a stereotype about libertarians (which, if I recall, you identify as). So it might help you out.
Yes, really. Now, would you like to have a rational discussion over the extent to which it would be legal under the district court's reasoning? Or were you merely hoping that pointing to the source of the argument would suffice to discredit it?
In either event, you're missing the point. The question I'm asking of you is not whether you agree with the plaintiffs or not; the question is whether you really are so closed-minded that you deny that any reasonable person could. This is not King; the question raised is based on common-sense conceptions of fairness, not technical rules of statutory interpretation.
And this highlights that the blog post is a thinly-veiled attempt to prevent discussion of the merits of the case. What matters to the author--and ivysaur12, apparently--is not whether the plaintiffs' claim is right, but that the plaintiffs are conservative activists. If a person voices support for the plaintiffs--which, the savvy reader will note, I haven't--then he or she looks like a predictable partisan shill whose arguments need not be taken seriously. "See, I told you he'd say that!"
Really? You not only have no problem with one voter's vote being 1.5x more potent than another's in electing representatives, but you also deny that anyone could reasonably question such a system? Here's an extreme example given by the plaintiffs in this case:
That implication doesn't even give you pause? And you deny it could anyone else, either?
It's not fair to say, but doesn't this give you pause!!, from an uncited source in a plaintiff's brief that, while looking for anything to substantiate such a claim, returns nothing.
And no, I think it's a silly argument that doesn't really have much merit. Do I think a reasonable person could disagree? Fine. Sure. One could.
Whether the plantiff is right is irrelevant because we do not currently measure what they want and we probably are incapable of accurately measuring what they want.
Also, it's an absurd argument. The extreme hyperbole is irrational and the real situation probably isn't measurable.
The only votes that are more potent are those in rural communities. The plaintiff is arguing for an even more favorable outcome than the one that currently exists.
Break up the US Senate. After all, this is exactly what Delaware is to California!
Republicans who support Medicaid are not Republicans & need to be voted out of office.
More than likely we have many who are "pretend Republicans, who only claim to be such in order to
surreptitiously get elected. No Obama-care for LA!!!
Really? You not only have no problem with one voter's vote being 1.5x more potent than another's in electing representatives
Really? You not only have no problem with one voter's vote being 1.5x more potent than another's in electing representatives, but you also deny that anyone could reasonably question such a system? Here's an extreme example given by the plaintiffs in this case:
When someone in Wyoming votes for a senator their ballot is something like 70x more powerful than the same voter in California and that doesn't seem to bother you. If the concern is giving one group of votes more proportional value than others then the first then to do is reform the Senate.
I have no strong feelings about the case either way, but just wanted to point out that this already happens on a vastly greater scale within the current system - it's called the Electoral Collage. And let's not forget how senate representation is made up.
When someone in Wyoming votes for a senator their ballot is something like 70x more powerful than the same voter in California and that doesn't seem to bother you. If the concern is giving one group of votes more proportional value than others then the first then to do is reform the Senate.
But of course it's fair! The hypothetical is meant to show the logical implication of adopting a rule in which states can apportion districts based on total population and without regard to the relative equality of the eligible-voter population. You don't need to see the district court explicitly catalog all the logical implications of its rule to recognize some outcome as belonging to that category.
Personally, I think the facts of this case are extreme enough to raise the issue clearly, but you apparently don't, which is why I mentioned the hypothetical.
Under the district courts reasoning, the Texas Legislature could have adopted a Senate map containing 31 districts of equal total population without violating the one-person, one-vote principleeven if 30 of the districts each contained one voter and the 31st district contained all other voters in the State.
Conceptually, I don't see why measuring the population of eligible voters is any more impossible than measuring the total population. And as a practical matter...
Can you expand on your first sentence?
These are different situations. The Senate, for structural purposes, was never meant to be--and is not--based on population, whereas state legislative houses must be under current Supreme Court doctrine. Of course, if you believe that the Senate should be based on population, then the plaintiffs' argument would apply equally to apportioning Senate districts as it does to state legislative districts.
You should be in favor of breaking up the Senate; it's the logical extreme conclusion of your argument. Make every vote equal in ever way!
-- Would it be actually possible to build a map in which the following is actually possible under the Texas rules of redistricting:
Could it? Like, actually without potential VRA issues? Which is why I'm sort of dubious of any claims that are uncited within their brief.
Ah, but Black Mamba, as the savvy reader will note, he actually hasn't taken a position, he's just vigorously defending the plaintiff's.
Regarding your first two questions, the entire lawsuit is based on data regarding voters and potential voters.
I don't think the relevant question here is whether the plaintiffs' hypothetical is actually feasible, or whether it could be accomplished without running afoul of separate statutory limitations. Their point is that such a scheme could not possibly satisfy the constitutional rule of "one person, one vote," and so any judicial rule that would allow for such an outcome must be wrong.
Regarding your first two questions, the entire lawsuit is based on data regarding voters and potential voters.
I don't think the relevant question here is whether the plaintiffs' hypothetical is actually feasible, or whether it could be accomplished without running afoul of separate statutory limitations. Their point is that such a scheme could not possibly satisfy the constitutional rule of "one person, one vote," and so any judicial rule that would allow for such an outcome must be wrong.
Ever done a census? notice how easy it is? Making it more complicated means less response rate, especially from those that are illegal.
"Citizen voting age" isn't accurate at all. It is not close to the actual "eligible voters" number. Neither is voter registration numbers, of course. Hell, look at the delay for purging lists of the deceased.
538 just released an article, though this has long been known in political science circles. http://fivethirtyeight.com/datalab/one-person-one-vote-case-relies-on-statistics-that-nobody-has/
Something not noted are legal immigrants who will soon vote (something urban cities have lots of) that would be disenfranchised during the time they get their citizenship. Or people turning 18. .
In most states, rural districts have way more say than they should in government, IMO. Especially at the Congressional level (both houses) but also within their own state governments. I think anyone who thinks otherwise is fooling themselves.
I am very aware. But if you can take something and argue to an extreme absurdity (the 30 districts with one voter), then I can do the same. You should be in favor of breaking up the Senate; it's the logical extreme conclusion of your argument. Make every vote equal in ever way!
Ah, but Black Mamba, as the savvy reader will note, he actually hasn't taken a position, he's just vigorously defending the plaintiff's.
But it's absolutely relevant whether a thing is possible in actuality because the judicial ruling wouldn't actually allow such a thing to happen.
It is hardly a "vigorous defense" to say that an argument is reasonable, or to explain what, exactly, the argument is and entails. You mistake it for a defense merely because your opposition to the argument is inspired by partisan bias rather than rational analysis.
Sure, it may be comforting to the justices to know that that extreme hypothetical would never occur, but we're talking about matters of principle, not practicality. The rule is this: "[W]hen members of an elected body are chosen from separate districts, each district must be established on a basis that will insure, as far as is practicable, that equal numbers of voters can vote for proportionally equal numbers of officials." That's either a real rule with real-world consequences--i.e., states really must, "as far as is practicable," ensure that "equal numbers of voters can vote for proportionally equal numbers of officials,"--or it's just a thing that was said once, and doesn't actually govern state action. If the district court is right, and a state's decision to rely on total population where that results in gross disparities between individuals' voting power is simply unreviewable by a court, then it follows that the quoted rule does not govern state action, since the logical implications run so contrary to it.
See my response to Black Mamba in the edited version of my last post.
Except, again, practicality matters. You cannot use that example as an example of the system's irrationality when that example would never occur.
EDIT: I told myself I wasn't going to respond to you anymore because your posts end up sucking me out of my work. This is it.
no u
Your 538 article acknowledges that sampling, the method used by the Census Bureau to calculate the number of voting-age citizens used by the plaintiffs, can be more accurate than counting, which the Census Bureau uses to calculate total population in the actual Census. The problem with the former, according to 538, is that the survey conducted by the Census Bureau "has struggled to get support from Congress." But that's hardly an insurmountable problem if the plaintiffs win. And, to the extent that CVAP only approximates the potential voter population, it nevertheless does so much better than does simply counting heads. There's no need to make the perfect the enemy of the good on this point.
I don't understand your point here. Redistricting only once every ten years is always going to result in interim changes that throw off the population count. That doesn't result in disenfranchising anyone.
Not so, because the Senate is clearly not governed by the one-person, one-vote rule, and there are reasons why it shouldn't be. I'm not a democrat, so the fact that the Senate isn't apportioned by population doesn't bother me. But I do recognize the argument that, for bodies that are apportioned by population, the "population" by which they should be apportioned is the population of potential voters, rather than the total population.
I'd love to get a running count on the number of times Mike Huckabee has publicly used some variation of "The Supreme Court is not the supreme being."
Hey now, I'm playing the Polish card game thing.Bah, this is neogaf, the best posters haven't even played a video game in years.
I have no strong feelings about the case either way, but just wanted to point out that this already happens on a vastly greater scale within the current system - it's called the Electoral Collage. And let's not forget how senate representation is made up.
At times, his unwillingness to emphasize the issues that worked for him in 2012 opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage and his decision to criticize his own party for being obsessed with cutting taxes for the rich have made him seem the boldest candidate in the race.
In 2012, Mr. Santorum embodied many conservatives dissatisfaction with Mr. Romney, who won the nomination after other conservatives proved to have fatal flaws.
Addressing 1,000 evangelicals in Iowa last month at a forum where Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin read from a Christian devotional and Senator Ted Cruz of Texas called on believers to fall to their knees in prayer to stop the Supreme Court from legalizing same-sex marriage Mr. Santorum called for an increase in the minimum wage, and for Republicans to reach out to the majority of Americans without a college degree.
He criticized his party for being stuck with a 35-year-old message on the economy, namely cutting taxes for the rich.
It is a message that has yet to gain much traction with the partys base. But Mr. Santorums interest in economic populism is genuine, said John Brabender, his top strategist.
He does feel very, very passionate about this whole idea we have to become the voice of working families, Mr. Brabender said.
Also I can't deal with Union threads anymore. I don't know its because some posters are really ignorant of how labor markets/laws work or they've just bought into anti-union propaganda so much.