I just saw today that TPM is doing a multi-part series on the privatization movement; for this topic I'm focusing on the second part about the costs of private prisons.
If you find this topic interesting, you should also read the recent undercover investigative report on a CCA-run Louisiana prison by Shane Bauer for Mother Jones.
It's too long to quote more than a few representative or notable snippets:
tl;dr: The American criminal justice system is already a moral abomination, and privatization just makes things worse.
If you find this topic interesting, you should also read the recent undercover investigative report on a CCA-run Louisiana prison by Shane Bauer for Mother Jones.
It's too long to quote more than a few representative or notable snippets:
Actual housing of convicts in prisons and jails is only one part--perhaps the smallest part--of the overall industry revenue stream. Private companies seek to pull profits from the moment someone is suspected of a crime to the final day they meet with a parole officer. Private industry transports prisoners, operates prison bank accounts, sells prescription drugs, prepares inmate food, and manages health care, prison phone and computer time. And that's just the start. The money comes from the taxpayer, in state and federal contracts, and the suspects, inmates, and parolees themselves, in fees and add-ons. Those caught in the web represent what marketers would call the ultimate captive audience: there is no way to shop around for a better deal.
Delivering poor services at a premium price is part of the marketing strategy, says Matt Nelson, managing director of the immigration rights group Presente. They know that cutting costs, services and training for guards increases recidivism, Nelson said. Theyre familiar that if you have horrible conditions, people stay in the system longer. They know that the younger you incarcerate, its more likely they will stay in the system. They keep customers coming back.
In the 1820s prisons shifted to the Auburn system (named after a small prison in Auburn, New York), where inmates worked 10-hour days as a means to build values. Southern states expanded this into the convict lease system, renting inmates to private companies for hard labor like coal mining or railroad building. This was a way to extend slavery after emancipation: the majority of all convicts leased were African-American. And it was lucrative for the states: In 1898, nearly three-fourths of Alabamas entire state revenue came from convict leasing.
But mortality rates were shockingly high, with secret graves often kept at workplace sites. Eventually, the dismal conditions, periodic rebellions, habitual violations of the contract terms by the companies, and resulting public discomfort pushed convict leasing out of favor. Alabama was the last state to formally ban the practice, in 1928.
Stories of cost-cutting are legion, starting with corrections staff. Wages for officers in private prisons are over 20 percent lower than in public ones. Pre-service training is significantly reduced as well, and officers are outfitted with insufficient equipment to deal with prison needs. This creates high turnover and increased possibilities for corruption. But most of all, private prisons simply dont schedule enough guards to handle the job.
Bond amounts have risen 50 percent over the last twenty years; the median rate is now $10,000, roughly eight months' income for the typical defendant. Bail bondsmen, who receive around 10 percent of the bond price as a fee from the defendant, will simply not come out for less. Cherise Fanno Burdeen, executive director of the Pre-Trial Justice Institute, describes a strategic effort from the American Bail Coalition, the industry lobby, to raise bail rates through state legislatures. The lobbying muscle comes from the twelve insurance companies that underwrite all bail bondsmen in the country. They work hard to get public outrage associated with low bonds for heinous crimes, Burdeen said.
As a result, over 450,000 people held in local jails in America are awaiting trial, detained for the crime of being too poor. This wastes billions, dislocates families and increases crime overall; a 2013 study of Kentucky prisoners showed that low-risk defendants were 40 percent more likely to violate the law before trial if they spent just a few days in jail.
Kitchens were infested with maggots and rodents; workers covered a rat-eaten cake with frosting to hide the evidence. In Saginaw, workers reheated and served meat that had been thrown in the trash before they realized there were more inmates to feed.
With pay rates for in-prison work as low as 12 cents an hour, getting money from the outside into prisoner accounts is critical. Securus profits from that, too, with JPays market-leading electronic money transfers, which serve around 70 percent of U.S. inmates. JPay charges $6.95 for a $50 money transfer, and makes it easy for prisons to take their own cut before the money gets to the inmate. Once a prisoner is released, they get their balance on a release card, on which is charged high swipe fees. Account maintenance fees take down balances by $2.50 a week even without usage. Mega-bank JPMorgan Chase is a release card market leader, along with JPay.
The family detention facilities have been given the grim nickname baby jails. Satsuki Ina, a family therapist born in a Japanese internment camp during World War II, visited the facilities in Texas earlier this year, and said it triggered distressing associations of my own experience as a child.
tl;dr: The American criminal justice system is already a moral abomination, and privatization just makes things worse.