It reminded me of snatch where the dog goes mental and just starts biting everyone.So funny.
I just love the fact that the dog ended up attacking it's owner more than the other guy.
"That's for making me wear this stupid sign!"
Guy in a suit accosts homeless-looking guy. Does this guy know PR or what?
Also which one was the dog trying to bite?
Energy price freezes should be extremely popular.
Love the energy price fixing; but wish it was step 1 toward nationalisation. The private provision of utility has clearly failed to deliver value.
Love the energy price fixing; but wish it was step 1 toward nationalisation. The private provision of utility has clearly failed to deliver value.
Agreed. I don't mind think the enery market functions as a private market at all. Same with trains. Or rather, the rail infrastructure we currently have doesn't work as a private market.
What's worse is that over the next 10 years the country needs the private sector to invest £60-70bn in new power plants and infrastructure, I don't see where the money is going to come from. Part of the problem is that a new gas fired power plant is 8x more expensive than the cost of construction because of all the carbon tax levies applied. Those levies exist to incentivise building of renewable plants such as wind and tidal but so far the £10bn invested in that sector has amounted to less than 5% of total energy output.
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Rail infrastructure is a nationalised industry (Network Rail).
Again, we have the lowest consumer gas prices in Europe and the fourth lowest consumer electricity prices in Europe, tell me exactly why and how our energy market doesn't work. I know it's an easy thing to look at energy company profits and say they are making too much money and that it means we are paying too much for energy, but the reality is that we have among the lowest prices in Europe, and if the government moved to remove the green subsidies it would lower consumer prices to the lowest in Europe by some distance.
I'm an advocate of paying for green investment/subsidies via general taxation rather than lumping them on energy bills because it punishes the poor. The average subsidy is about £200 per year and everyone has to pay that, regardless of income. £200 means a lot more to someone on low income or lives on the state pension than to me. However, changing that subsidy would be difficult to do as right now the energy companies get the blame for high bills and it keeps the government out of the line of fire.
Why would an energy company bother to supply energy they buy from the wholesale market at a higher price than the price ceiling? What then does the government do, subsidise the very companies they said are profiteering? Nationalise the industry?
Unbelievable. I was going to vote green/libdem, but I might have to vote tory just to do my bit to stop miliband getting in.
What planet is he on that he thinks a price freeze is the way to solve our dire energy problems. I mean the tory proposals are garbage too, but at least they aren't going to actively make things worse.
This argument would hold true if and only if the price ceiling a Labour administration applied was lower than the wholesale market price. As it is, over the last 3 months of 2013 the peak wholesale electricity price in the U.K. markets was £108 per MWh [see: Exelon's market reports], whereas the best retail price for a medium-house attempting to use energy conserving measures over the same period was £141 per MWh [see: npower]. While I can't find a citation and I'll do my best to find one, I'm sure there is a report out there which was highlighted on the BBC lately reporting that wholesale prices are responsible for, on average, just over two-thirds of retail prices (my example was of the wholesale price comprising 76%, which doesn't seem too far from that conclusion). That difference, combined with the cumulative profit reports of the Big 6 major energy companies standing at over £3bn [see: Ofgem profit report], implies there is at least a strong case for there being a potential retail price somewhat less than the current retail price still remaining profitable. If it is possible to correctly identify this lower retail price and respond adequately to fluctuations in it (this being the more challenging part, I suspect), then the government will be capable of lowering retail prices without eliminating profits.
EDIT: vcassano has also correctly pointed out the fact we are doing well in comparison to other countries doesn't preclude us from doing better.
What are our dire energy problems? How will they make it worse?
We should do this for all products where companies make profit. I mean, what's the intellectual reason for only extending this sort of activity to the rather arbitrary target of energy generation and distribution?
Also, generally speaking, it's a method which shouldn't be necessary in the first place. If there are very large profits being made in an industry which is not particularly new, then something is not right and that market is not operating under competitive conditions. Rather hitting the end result of the problem (prices are not allocatively efficient), a better method is hitting the start of the problem (this market is not operating properly). The energy market, because of the extremely high infrastructural barriers to entry, is never really going to operate under competitive conditions - it's a natural oligopoly at best. That means, regrettably, simply trying to make the market work by itself isn't going to work.
Denmark 0.295250
Germany 0.265270
Italy 0.231400
Belgium 0.225660
Ireland 0.225180
Sweden 0.203610
Portugal 0.203100
Austria 0.201470
Netherlands 0.193230
Spain 0.189260
United Kingdom 0.170780
Luxembourg 0.167360
Finland 0.157180
France 0.144660
Sweden 0.11523
Denmark 0.108050
Italy 0.079320
Netherlands 0.07374
Portugal 0.06841
Austria 0.066910
Belgium 0.063620
Spain 0.06141
Germany 0.061390
Ireland 0.058270
France 0.057060
Luxembourg 0.05637
United Kingdom 0.0445
There's still a huge grey area of "arbitraryness" there, though. You say they have very large profits, but the total profits of all the big six combined is approximately 10% of Apple's annual profit, which operates (admittedly globally) in several markets, all of which are very competitive. My point isn't that Apple's profitsare ridiculously high or the energy companies low, simply that having high profit doesn't mean there's no effective competition. Sky has approximately double the profits of any of the energy companies, with plenty of competition from Virgin, Freeview and terrestrial TV and various broadband suppliers. How are you defining "very large profits"? You also say "not particularly new" but I think perhaps what you really mean is "static" - after all, the age of the industry doesn't matter if its nature is constantly changing. Going back to Mobile phones again, that's a market that's been effectively operating for over 30 years but it got completely turned on its head 6 or so years ago. Obviously this level of competition doesn't happen in the energy sector, but nor is it static - different countries develop new methods of energy extraction. The US is now almost energy independent after decades of having their financial fortunes partly defined by OPEC. The big 6 haven't simply been operating in a vacuum, and this is also true when it comes to expecting them to invest in infrastructure.
It's true, though, that it's always going to be difficult to compete properly, but - as you said yourself, after finding out if it's possible, you need to ask if you should. Well, is there a reason to think think that these companies could afford to make less profit and still work? These companies make an average of about £500m a year - personally I don't think that's all that much for companies that have approximately 10 million customers each (last year Royal Mail made profit of about £400m last year, and their costs to customers have continued to go up and up) - but we're also asking them to invest about £12bn each in infrastructure in the coming years. Even at today's profit levels, That would take them 25 years of profits to accrue even without giving anything to their shareholders. So if we effectively reduce that profit, it's going to take even longer as well as removing their incentive to even bother. Then it's up to HM Government to pay for it.
Of course. But there are two options, here. The first is that these infrastructure improvements are paid for by increasing the price of electricity. The second is that these infrastructure improvements are paid for out of general taxation. It's not like consumers aren't giving up money if the government doesn't pay for it, they're just giving up their money through their electricity bill and not the taxman. Given the first of those options hits the poorest disproportionately more than the second, I'd much rather take the second, where the poor can face energy bills they can actually meet, and instead of raising the capital necessary for infrastructure development from them through price rises, we raise it on the wealthiest through tax rises.
EDIT: This second part is effectively also my answer to zomg. I'm also somewhat confused as to why he thinks that any price controls wouldn't change if the wholesale price rises above the profitability zone of a particular price cap. The simple solution if that were to happen would be to... raise the price cap.
Bear in mind that Ed, as energy secretary in 2008, was the one who introduced green subsidies paid for by energy bills rather than through general taxation. Apparently Brown denied him in Copenhagen and he started crying and threatened to resign so he got his way and the renewables subsidy was added to energy bills and taken out of general taxation.
This government didn't change it, but they system was put in place by Ed basically so that the energy companies would take a kicking from the public for high energy bills rather than the government for imposing £4-5bn in taxes for subsidies to big energy companies.
Sure, I'm aware of that. I'd much rather these things were taken out of general taxation rather than made an addition to the bill. Having said that, I can understand why Miliband did so. If you're carbon unfriendly and as a result your energy prices rise, the cause and effect is a little more noticeable than if you're carbon unfriendly and as a result your tax bill rises. I don't think it was the best way of doing things, but I can understand how one would, as Miliband's method effects behaviour much more (unfortunately to punitive effect).
EDIT 2: As to second, I can guarantee you it'll be a Carney-style "freeze", where "freeze" means "it won't change unless conditions, a), b), c)... or z) are met". Saying it's a freeze helps cement expectations around a particular price allowing for long-term stability, but actually enforcing a full freeze would be a bad idea, although you don't say that in the same way Carney doesn't really make too much song and dance about the built-in escape clauses on his interest rate freeze.
Energy is not a luxury good. Everybody needs gas and electricity. To say otherwise so that the government can maintain a façade of not subsidising big energy companies is reprehensible. Ed can say what he likes about the cost of energy bills being too high, but he is responsible for it. The renewable subsidies and feed-in tariffs account for more on an average energy bill than the company's profits. The removal of these would be much more effective at ending fuel poverty than a price freeze which would have a destructive effect on investment.
I agree with some of these points, with a few points of disagreement. The first would be that the smartphone manufacturer market simply isn't that competitive. There has been a noticeable entrenchment around Samsung and Apple to the point that the two between them control over 50% of the worldwide market in terms of units, with most analysts predicting that their position is simply going to become entrenched. This is even worse when the fact that this is the worldwide market is considered - in developed markets, Samsung and Apple hold even more dominant positions. The smartphone industry has huge barriers to entry, particularly legal ones. While Samsung and Apples have some competition from each other, it's not particularly large or they wouldn't have high profits. The same is true for Sky.
As a rough explanation: in the face of perfect competition, if any one firm has a price higher than any other firm, then nobody will buy from that firm, given they are capable of getting it for a lower price elsewhere, and that firm will go bust. If any firm sets a price lower than the price it costs to produce and provide for sale, then they will not be able to stay in business, and will thus go bust. There is exactly one price at which a firm will not go bust: the price at which the cost of production is equal to the cost of sale (the break-even point). At this point, no profit is made (conversely, there are no losses, either).
Clearly this is a basic model and there are various things which change how it functions (brand loyalty, product differentiation, consumer irrationality, information asynchronicity, etc.), but generally speaking, if there are particularly large profits to be found in a stable market in the long-run, that market is not competitive.
To sum up the above, high profits generally indicate a non-competitive market.
Your second point is the arbitrariness of when profits are "high" and when they are acceptable. Even assuming that Apple and the Big 6 energy companies were equally competitive, Apple would generate more profits, yes, as it occupies a larger market. This is where the concept of a consumer and producer surplus comes in. Say we have some price. As well as the actual price at which a good is sold, we have two other things to keep an eye on. The first is the consumer reservation price. This is the absolute maximum a consumer would be willing to pay for a product. I'd be willing to pay up to, say, £60 to purchase Europa Universalis 4. At that price, I'd be willing to buy it. Any higher, and I wouldn't. As it was, I paid £35 (I think). My consumer surplus was £25 - the difference between what I was willing to pay and what I have paid. Conversely, there will be a producer reservation price: the difference between what a business is willing to sell a good for, and what they actually sell a good for. Paradox Studios would be willing to sell me Europa Universalis 4 for £15 (random number). As it is, I purchased it for £35. Their producer surplus was £20 - the difference between what they sold it for, and what they would have sold it for.
I hope you can see that these two concepts are zero-sum entities. If you increase the price, the consumer surplus will decrease by the same amount that the producer surplus increased. Now, the producer reservation price (the minimum they are willing to sell a good for) is the same as the cost of production. If they sold it for less than the cost of production, then they would be making a loss and would go out of business, so going lower than that is simply not acceptable. That means that the producer surplus is not only the difference between what they're willing to sell for and what they get, it's also the difference between the cost of production and the price at sale - that is, profit.
That tells you that profit and consumer surplus are two zero sum entities - as you increase profits, you reduce the difference between what consumers are willing to pay and what they do pay. Eventually, when consumers are charged exactly the maximum they're willing to pay, consumer surplus will be 0, and profits will have reached their greatest possible extent. We'll call profits at this point maximum potential profits.
This then gives us a handy way of determining what "large" profits are, relative the sizes of the markets involved. You could say that profits are high when they exceed 60% of the maximum potential profit. Now there are just two concerns - what percentage do we say that "high" profits are, and how do we measure what maximum potential profits are? The first is not a science, really. I think we can probably all agree that certain values are (say, 100%), so it's just a matter of finding a value people are willing to tolerate. Provided that the energy companies are capable of sustaining lower profits, I'd say the general opinion is that their profit margins exceed the level of profit for their market that we as a society are willing to accept (otherwise there probably wouldn't be this fuss in the first place). The second is the reason why I said earlier this can't be done in just any markets. It needs to be done in one with a relatively small number of variables that allow the government to keep track of such data. Thankfully, the energy market seems to fit fairly squarely into this category.
So, to sum this up: we are capable of distinguishing between profits that are relatively and absolutely high for a given value of high.
To your third point, yes, I did mean static, apologies for any confusion. If you're not using dynamic models, a dynamic market effectively represents lots of "new" markets being born regularly, if you see what I mean. I'm not sure this is a particularly relevant to the argument, though: the energy markets have remained relatively static for quite some time; any profits they are making at the moment are almost certainly not due to market dynamism. If they show large changes in the future, any prices changes can always be abolished at that point, but at the present date that doesn't stand.
Of course. But there are two options, here. The first is that these infrastructure improvements are paid for by increasing the price of electricity. The second is that these infrastructure improvements are paid for out of general taxation. It's not like consumers aren't giving up money if the government doesn't pay for it, they're just giving up their money through their electricity bill and not the taxman. Given the first of those options hits the poorest disproportionately more than the second, I'd much rather take the second, where the poor can face energy bills they can actually meet, and instead of raising the capital necessary for infrastructure development from them through price rises, we raise it on the wealthiest through tax rises.
EDIT: This second part is effectively also my answer to zomg. I'm also somewhat confused as to why he thinks that any price controls wouldn't change if the wholesale price rises above the profitability zone of a particular price cap. The simple solution if that were to happen would be to... raise the price cap.
From April, people who are jobless after being on the work programme will face three options, including community work, or face losing benefits.
To still qualify for jobseeker's allowance they will have three options - work placements, such as cleaning up litter; daily visits to a job centre; or taking part in compulsory training, for example, to improve their literacy.
This kind of approach - work for benefits - hurts the employed. If they are doing jobs for their benefits, why not just create a job to do that? It is punitive and impractical. Training (depending on what it is) or apprenticeships are what should be encouraged. But making long-term unemployed do jobs that could be a paid-for job simply hurts the job market.
This kind of approach - work for benefits - hurts the employed. If they are doing jobs for their benefits, why not just create a job to do that? It is punitive and impractical. Training (depending on what it is) or apprenticeships are what should be encouraged. But making long-term unemployed do jobs that could be a paid-for job simply hurts the job market.
Osborne unveils work for benefits plan
Awaits left-wing-and-unemployed-GAF to explain why this is a horrible idea....
Rolling out workfare for large numbers of benefit claimants would be prohibitively costly (with recent suggestions costing upwards of £1 billion in the first year alone) and would ignore the very deep barriers to employment facing many jobseekers. It is vital for these to be addressed with personalised and intensive support and coaching. In short, workfare is not suitable for all, or even a large proportion of, benefit claimants. However, for some groups of benefit claimants, the experience of work that workfare can provide and the diversionary impact of increasing conditions could both be effective in helping them into work.
Well there are choices - the long term unemployed could simply opt to attend the job centre every day. Why would they not want to do that?
Because it costs money to travel. Contrary to popular belief, the £56.80 a week you get on JSA doesn't leave a lot of free money to play with. Unless you're going to pay for free bus/train transport for the unemployed it's unworkable. Commuting costs for the workfare scheme is another reason it's a bad idea, on one hand if you do not increase the amount of money you give the claimant when they are 'working' on workfare, you simply reduce the already meager amount they get. On the other hand, if do pay commuting costs or increase benefit for those on workfare to compensate then an already absurdly expensive policy, which does nothing more productive than sop some right wing fantasies and give corporations free labour to make more profits on (on which they'll squirm out of paying tax on), gets even more expensive.
But what appeared in the Daily Mail on Saturday was of a different order all together. I know they say you cant libel the dead but you can smear them.
Fierce debate about politics does not justify character assassination of my father, questioning the patriotism of a man who risked his life for our country in the Second World War, or publishing a picture of his gravestone with a tasteless pun about him being a grave socialist.
The Daily Mail sometimes claims it stands for the best of British values of decency. But something has really gone wrong when it attacks the family of a politician - any politician - in this way. It would be true of an attack on the father of David Cameron, Nick Clegg, or mine.
There was a time when politicians stayed silent if this kind of thing happened, in the hope that it wouldnt happen again. And fear that if they spoke out, it would make things worse. I will not do that. The stakes are too high for our country for politics to be conducted in this way. We owe it to Britain to have a debate which reflects the values of how we want the country run.
A number of small business employers and recruiters also called into the show to say that it was important to keep active by doing such tasks - showing self determination etc. It's as much an indication of character as well.
A number of small business employers and recruiters also called into the show to say that it was important to keep active by doing such tasks - showing self determination etc. It's as much an indication of character as well.