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PoliGAF 2015 |OT| Keep Calm and Diablos On

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AntoneM

Member
Also I can't deal with Union threads anymore. I don't know its because some posters are really ignorant of how labor markets/laws work or they've just bought into anti-union propaganda so much.

I find it strange that a lot of people don't realize that unions are a natural outgrowth of laissez-faire capitalism. What I mean is that it would be natural for laborers to band together to garner a better deal for all rather than try to individually negotiate. It's in the laborer's best interests, it's literally the "invisible hand" at work.
 
If only Santorum would shut up about social issues.

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/28/u...n-2016-presidential-race.html?smid=tw-nytimes





Conservatives not beholden to a tax pledge that you can find common ground with on economic issues? We need that.

Santorum's 2012 stump speech about his coal mining grandfather's rugged hands were quite impressive and stirring. He was the only GOP candidate talking about poverty and the working class that year. Now the entire party has jumped on that wave, but it sounds more like pandering than anything specific. I remember even Ed Shultz was impressed with some of Santorum's views. Specially tax cuts for manufacturers.
 

sc0la

Unconfirmed Member
Disproportionate representation already happens. It's called the senate.

The representation of the 20 least populous states (+1) can stop dead any piece of legislation they want.

It's far less than 1/5th the U.S. Population.

Edit probably closer to 10-12%
 

NeoXChaos

Member
Disproportionate representation already happens. It's called the senate.

The representation of the 20 least populous states (+1) can stop dead any piece of legislation they want.

It's far less than 1/5th the U.S. Population.

Edit probably closer to 10-12%

Yup so how should we restructure the senate if possible?
 

sc0la

Unconfirmed Member
Well to be fair it was designed to give the states and specifically smaller ones more voting power. I would propose simply getting rid of the super majority/filibuster requirements.
 

Oblivion

Fetishing muscular manly men in skintight hosery
Mr. Santorum called for an increase in the minimum wage, and for Republicans to reach out to the majority of Americans without a college degree.

He criticized his party for being stuck “with a 35-year-old message on the economy,” namely cutting taxes for the rich.

Maybe it would help if your own dumbass stopped supporting the idea of cutting taxes for the rich?

Santorum supported the minimum wage back in like 1996 or something. Does he still do so? Would like to hear some reporters ask him about it and see him furiously backpedal.

I find it strange that a lot of people don't realize that unions are a natural outgrowth of laissez-faire capitalism. What I mean is that it would be natural for laborers to band together to garner a better deal for all rather than try to individually negotiate. It's in the laborer's best interests, it's literally the "invisible hand" at work.

Silly duck. Anything that inconveniences our benevolent job creators is considered anti-free market.

It really is depressing to think that so many working class people out there have been convinced that CEOs care more about your well being than your fellow workers.
 

B-Dubs

No Scrubs
Maybe it would help if your own dumbass stopped supporting the idea of cutting taxes for the rich?

Santorum supported the minimum wage back in like 1996 or something. Does he still do so? Would like to hear some reporters ask him about it and see him furiously backpedal.

Santorum has always been fairly populist in his messaging, even when it screws him over. That said I'd like to see someone ask it myself, I'd do it but I don't think he'll be coming to NYC.
 

Oblivion

Fetishing muscular manly men in skintight hosery
Santorum has always been fairly populist in his messaging, even when it screws him over. That said I'd like to see someone ask it myself, I'd do it but I don't think he'll be coming to NYC.

I dunno. I don't really see much difference in Santorum's messaging than any other Republican's. They always say the same shit about how they're wanting to cut taxes on the rich and deregulate everything so that you, the American people, will benefit.

But he does (or did at one point) support the min. wage so that alone makes him seem like Teddy Roosevelt in comparison to any other conservative.


In other news...

In an interview on MSNBC's "Morning Joe," Paul was asked about the criticism he's received from GOP hawks like South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham and Arizona Sen. John McCain, who have argued that America's failure to arm moderate rebel groups in the Syrian civil war created space for the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to grow.

"I would say it's exactly the opposite," Paul said. "ISIS exists and grew stronger because of the hawks in our party who gave arms indiscriminately, and most of those arms were snatched up by ISIS. These hawks also wanted to bomb [Syrian dictator Bashar] Assad, which would have made ISIS's job even easier."

http://www.cbsnews.com/news/election-2016-rand-paul-isis-exists-because-of-hawks-in-the-gop/

Oh yeah, he's definitely gonna pay for that one.
 

Ecotic

Member
The Republican Party is ultimately just humoring Paul because it needs his supporters in the general to feel they had a shot/have a voice. If Paul were to get the nomination he'd almost surely get a hawkish Republican running as a third party with a veiled message that he's the real Republican in the race. That's why I want Paul to win the nomination the most, but I know if Paul won Iowa or New Hampshire there'd be a full-throated effort to consolidate around someone else to deny him the nomination.
 

ivysaur12

Banned
The modern Republican Party is too myopic to realize that someone like Paul (not Paul per se) is the party's best chance to win back some millennial voters from the Democrats.

Libertarianism is probably the end goal of the Republican Party in 10-20 years.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
So, to be clear, your objection is not that one voter has massively disproportion power to another, its adherence to established doctrine?

That's the argument, yes. Nobody's saying the Constitution requires that Senators be elected by relatively equal numbers of voters; that would be an absurd argument, since the Constitution explicitly provides otherwise. But, in the context of elected bodies the membership of which must be apportioned based on population, the argument is that "population" should be "voter population," not "total population." Otherwise, you end up with situations like that in Texas, where a vote in one district is 1.5x as potent as a vote in another district. As I said, the argument is based on a common-sense conception of fairness, which is why I'm so surprised at the vehement opposition to its mere reasonableness. (And, again, I'm not saying that I agree with the challengers that using the voter population is mandated by the Constitution; I recognize it as a valid argument, but I have yet to review the actual arguments set against it. Instead, I see things like ivysaur12 and impostor-APKmetsfan simply dismissing it out of hand. So, rather than discussing legitimate arguments against the challenge, we're left wasting time bickering over whether legitimate arguments need even be made.)

Notice how the article did not say "sampling is more accurate." It says "it can be," which is not the same thing at all. To change the method, it better be almost assuredly more accurate.

Further, it has been argued it is unconstitutional (in fact, the SCOTUS said as much for national purposes). So there's that problem too.

Notice how my quote did not say "sampling is more accurate," but that "it can be." As for your proposed standard of proof--"almost assuredly more accurate"--I think it's simply wrong. It makes more sense to use a method that is merely "probably" more accurate than another. Your arbitrary standard seems designed specifically to avoid answering the questions raised by the present case. Additionally, we know--with certainty--that the current metric is overinclusive and distorts voting power among districts; and we know that the Census Bureau's CVAP data are almost assuredly more accurate, even though, according to the 538 article, it is also overinclusive in that it counts felons ineligible to vote. It goes without saying that the population of voting-age citizens is a far more accurate estimate of the population of eligible voters than is the total population. If you're going to continue denying this, I hope you'll never dignify opinion polls again by discussing them as though they have some value.

Regarding that second paragraph, in fact the 9th Circuit has held that using CVAP would be unconstitutional, and the 5th Circuit has held that it's up to the state to decide whether to use total population or not. I'm not sure what Supreme Court case you're referring to, however.

Hell, let's do one of your absurd arguments. A district has a giant prison that houses 99.999% of the population. the CVAP would be 100%. But only 1 man can vote (the guards all commute except 1, FWIW). Boom, this method failed. What now?

The problem is every known method has flaws. All have situations that will result in failure. Either we find a method we know is more accurate or we just stick to the one we got.

Any overinclusive method would be subject to the same argument, of course. But that doesn't mean that a method that is less overinclusive than another is not superior to the other. The more overinclusive a method is, the more likely that it would distort voting power substantially. And note that the plaintiffs don't claim total population can never be used; they just claim that, when total population is used in a way that creates these significant distortions in voting populations, that violates the one-person, one-vote rule.

And that doesn't even bring up the issue of whether children and illegals and prisoners shouldn't count towards representation. Yes, they may not be legally allowed to vote, but that doesn't mean they deserve a lack of representation. Are representatives supposed to ignore people who can't vote? We allow children to write their representatives, no? Ex-cons? Prisoners? A lack of voting rights does not mean a lack of representation. Regardless, this is a different argument I don't want to have, just wanted to put it out there.

This is what most gives me pause with the plaintiffs' arguments. It isn't obvious, at least, that representation shouldn't be divvied up based on total population as opposed to the potential voting population, or that the Constitution flatly prohibits such division. Maybe it really should be a question left to the political process, like most other aspects of electoral policy. We'll just have to wait and see what comes of this case.

This entire case is a power grab by rural counties because they hate the fact that their influence has an expiration date and they're change to move it back more.

Everything's a conspiracy theory with you. No counties are involved in Evenwel.

EDIT:

For those interested, here are the Jurisdictional Statement of the plaintiffs, Texas' Motion to Dismiss or Affirm, and plaintiffs' Opposition to Texas' motion. (You'll note that the procedural posture of this case is unusual. This didn't go the usual district court-court of appeals-certiorari route. Instead, it was originally heard by a three-judge district court appointed by the Chief Judge of the 5th Circuit, and then directly appealed to SCOTUS.)

Also, the Opposition to Motion to Dismiss or Affirm called the Court's attention to a similar case recently filed in Florida by the ACLU. Here's what the ACLU has to say about its own lawsuit:

ACLU Files Lawsuit Challenging “Prison Gerrymandering” Election Districts in Florida County

Today, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Florida filed a federal lawsuit challenging an election system in Jefferson County, Florida which counts the inmate population of a state prison in the drawing of district maps. The lawsuit, filed today in the U.S. District Court in Tallahassee, states that by treating the approximately 1,157 inmates at the Jefferson Correctional Institution (JCI) as residents for redistricting purposes, Jefferson County is engaging in “prison-based gerrymandering,” violating constitutional voting rights protections by watering down the voting strength of residents in all the other voting districts.

Under the current maps for County Commission and School Board elections, enacted in 2013, the incarcerated population at JCI makes up 43.2% of the voting age population of Jefferson County’s District 3. Because Florida law removes a person’s right to vote upon receiving a felony conviction, the remaining population in District 3 has an inflated political influence on county elections relative to the other four county districts.

No doubt the ACLU is blissfully unaware of its role as just another pawn in the conservative takeover of America.
 

Oblivion

Fetishing muscular manly men in skintight hosery
Okay so this is what Santorum said about the min. wage last month:

"I've proposed a 50 cents an hour raise per year for three years," Santorum said in an interview Wednesday. "Keeping it in that area provides a floor for wages — a worker protection device — and it doesn't have an inflationary effect on wages or increase unemployment."

http://www.washingtonexaminer.com/w...port-raising-the-minimum-wage/article/2563127

So the min. wage would be $8.75 by 2018. Well, I'm sold.
 
T

thepotatoman

Unconfirmed Member
I think i'm having a hard time accepting this case because it seems to suggest that ineligible voters not only don't get a chance to vote, but they even don't get to be represented at all. It's a way of looking at things that suggests government officials shouldn't care about non-citizens whatsoever, even though they're living in the district those politicians are supposed to represent.

When a politician wins an election, they're expected to represent their district as a whole, not just the people that voted specifically for them, not just the people that decided to show up to vote, and not just the people that decided to register to vote. So why are they not expected to represent the people that are ineligible to vote?

When I vote, I'm not voting for me, I'm also voting for my friends who can't find the time to follow politics and vote, I'm voting for my relatives that are too young to vote, I'm voting for my immigrant neighbors. My vote represents my community, and my elected officials represent my community, and you're diluting my community's power by giving it less representation because people don't like the makeup of my community.

In Reynolds v. Sims, the court decided that politicians represent people, not trees and acres, and that people need equal representation if they're going to get equal protection under the law. The 14th amendment doesn't say it gives all citizens equal protection, or all voters equal protection, but all people. People are what matter.

Using the 14th amendment to force states into treating one class of people as being more meaningful to democracy than another class of people seems very antithetical to the 14th amendment. When a state takes away a felon's right to vote, it's apparently constitutional because they're applying that law equally to everyone that broke that law, but why would it be unconstitutional for them to say felons still count as people worth representation as a human being, even though their vote is currently taken away?
 
Hey now, I'm playing the Polish card game thing.
I wish they didn't stick that weird minigame in it where you run around as an albino killing monsters, not sure what's the point of it.

Collecting sex cards and crafting gear from monster spit and dog livers.

Okay so this is what Santorum said about the min. wage last month:

So the min. wage would be $8.75 by 2018. Well, I'm sold.

The sad thing is that it is still better than the current setup.
 

LaNaranja

Member
Welp I spent the time to actually do significantly more research on the policy suggestions of everyone currently running than the average American will and can say without a shadow of a doubt that Bernie Sanders is the the dude I agree with the most. In fact, I haven't found a single thing I disagree with him on.
 

NeoXChaos

Member
Hillary might be the first Democrat to never have the House for her party.

http://www.centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/house-2016-clinton/

Democrats currently have a fairly large deficit in the House: The Republican majority is 247-188**, meaning that Democrats would need to win 30 seats next year to take control. Let’s assume that Clinton is elected but that Democrats do not win control of the House. If that happens, Clinton would have at most three more opportunities to preside over a Democratic House takeover — a midterm (2018), a second presidential election (2020), and a second midterm (2022), assuming she wins reelection.

Generally speaking (and to oversimplify), when the House changes hands, it’s because of a negative reaction to the party in control of the White House, and those changes often happen in midterm years. 1948 provides a rare counterexample of a reaction against the congressional party in a presidential year, but the congressional party did something noteworthy — it passed a divisive piece of very important legislation (over a presidential veto) that contributed to the unusual outcome.

There are of course plenty of important reasons to hold the White House even in times of split government — lifetime judicial appointments and wielding the immense power of the federal bureaucracy are but two perks — but voters and the media can question whether Clinton will accomplish any more than Obama has with divided government. (A Republican elected to the White House, on the other hand, might have unified control of the government, although that president will be without 60 votes in the Senate and thus will be hamstrung to a large extent.)

One other point: It’s possible that the next best opportunity Democrats will have to take the House is 2022, which is after new state congressional maps go into effect in most states following the decennial census. Democrats are using the next census as a rallying cry for voters to focus more on statewide and state legislative elections, whose victors determine new district lines in most places. This is a worthy goal for Democrats. However, if Clinton is in the White House, is it really reasonable to expect that Democrats will do very well in 2018, when most governorships (and some state legislative seats) are decided, or in 2020’s state legislative elections? Tim Storey of the National Conference of State Legislatures found that the president’s party has lost net state legislative seats in 27 of the last 29 midterm elections, and Democrats performed better in gubernatorial elections while President Bush was in office than when President Obama has been in office. Democrats could benefit from legislative elections conducted in 2020’s presidential year, but remember that the next election would be 2022 — a midterm — where the historical midterm trend might dull any edge Democrats would get from improved maps.

The rhythms of national elections strongly suggest that the president’s party pays a penalty for controlling the White House. It would be foolish to say that under no circumstance could the Democrats win the House back with Clinton as president — strange things happen in politics. But history shows that the odds of Democrats ever controlling the House under a President Clinton are not great.

Well this sucks so bad. I just hope we can get a miracle between now and the next 4-8 years.
 
Hillary might be the first Democrat to never have the House for her party.

http://www.centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/house-2016-clinton/

Well this sucks so bad. I just hope we can get a miracle between now and the next 4-8 years.

One has to hope that Clinton will follow through on her pledge to rebuild the party infrastructure.

Democratic turnout will inevitably be a bit down in midterms as long as a Democrat occupies the White House, but there's no excuse for it being as totally fucking lousy as it's been during the Obama presidency.
 

Gotchaye

Member
I think i'm having a hard time accepting this case because it seems to suggest that ineligible voters not only don't get a chance to vote, but they even don't get to be represented at all. It's a way of looking at things that suggests government officials shouldn't care about non-citizens whatsoever, even though they're living in the district those politicians are supposed to represent.

When a politician wins an election, they're expected to represent their district as a whole, not just the people that voted specifically for them, not just the people that decided to show up to vote, and not just the people that decided to register to vote. So why are they not expected to represent the people that are ineligible to vote?

When I vote, I'm not voting for me, I'm also voting for my friends who can't find the time to follow politics and vote, I'm voting for my relatives that are too young to vote, I'm voting for my immigrant neighbors. My vote represents my community, and my elected officials represent my community, and you're diluting my community's power by giving it less representation because people don't like the makeup of my community.

In Reynolds v. Sims, the court decided that politicians represent people, not trees and acres, and that people need equal representation if they're going to get equal protection under the law. The 14th amendment doesn't say it gives all citizens equal protection, or all voters equal protection, but all people. People are what matter.

Using the 14th amendment to force states into treating one class of people as being more meaningful to democracy than another class of people seems very antithetical to the 14th amendment. When a state takes away a felon's right to vote, it's apparently constitutional because they're applying that law equally to everyone that broke that law, but why would it be unconstitutional for them to say felons still count as people worth representation as a human being, even though their vote is currently taken away?

This strikes me as a weird justification for apportioning voting power on the basis of total population, since what you're making is an argument that people who are not currently eligible to vote, but who aren't incapable of casting a considered vote, deserve political representation. Like, obviously the logic of your argument requires that we just let felons and non-citizens vote, right? It's bizarrely circuitous to try to achieve representation for non-citizens by giving more voting power to citizens who live more-or-less near them, and I really have a hard time seeing how to do otherwise suggests that politicians shouldn't care about non-citizens when apparently not letting non-citizens vote at all isn't sending that message.

But anyway, you're also leaning pretty heavily on voting districts being genuine communities where the interests of resident voters align with the interests of resident non-voters. This is often not the case. It probably works out well enough for many people who are incapable of voting, like children - parents can probably be trusted to vote with their childrens' interests in mind. And we don't have any better options, since nobody wants five year olds voting. But other groups of those ineligible to vote are going to have characteristically different interests than do the eligible voters in the same district.

Like, the basis of the ACLU's prison thing, IIRC, is that prisoners increase the voting power of the community the prison is built in even though the prisoners are from very different communities and aren't part of the community the prison is built in in any meaningful way. Probably you've got a lot of very black prison populations in very white voting districts, to name the most obvious difference. The voters in districts with prisons probably even benefit from "tough on crime" policies that add jobs, etc., to communities surrounding prisons. When you give districts with prisons in them relatively more power by virtue of their ineligible-to-vote prison population, what you're doing is reducing the power of districts elsewhere in the state that actually represent the interests of the prisoners.
 

Fox318

Member
Pataki isn't even going to qualify for CNN's B-Team debate.

I don't know man.

Northeast Republican that doesn't have crazy ties to the religious right and has been out of the spotlight long enough where he isn't mired in Tea Party or Bush mess.

Could have major money supporting him.
 
In further support of the idea that The Onion need no longer exist, since reality has caught up:

Actual headline: "Herman Cain mocks Santorum's 'Doomed Presidential Bid'"

Perhaps they’re making a desperate bid to remind people that they still exist,” the blog post pondered. “It could be that we’re simply watching a giant game of ‘me too’ played by people who are terrified of being ‘left out.’ Maybe it’s that they each have an army of yes men telling them they actually have a prayer of winning, when in reality they’ll just cannibalize each other and steal time from candidates who could genuinely go the distance. Whatever the reason, the GOP is quickly transitioning from its previous status as a party with a ‘deep bench’ to one boasting a litany of antiquated failures who don’t know when to walk away.”

http://www.politico.com/story/2015/...es-rick-santorum-2016-bid-118376.html?hp=l2_4
 

pigeon

Banned
This strikes me as a weird justification for apportioning voting power on the basis of total population, since what you're making is an argument that people who are not currently eligible to vote, but who aren't incapable of casting a considered vote, deserve political representation. Like, obviously the logic of your argument requires that we just let felons and non-citizens vote, right?

Well, I mean, I think that's a pretty reasonable argument. I don't think there's a great justification for removing the franchise from felons. Obviously the "non-citizens" part is a little trickier, but in practice a lot of those people aren't citizens because of the failure of our immigration laws to handle them effectively. So shouldn't we just make them citizens and them give them representation?

Obviously that's not super practical, but if you want to get into practicalities, this whole discussion is practically inseparable from the political realities, which is, if this case wins, the outcome is going to be a transfer of political power from usually Democratic areas to usually Republican areas, and I think it's clear that that's WHY the case is being brought at this time and in this place. So, you know, I have a cynical hope that it fails regardless of the validity of its arguments, which I think pretty much matches the attitudes of the people bring the case.

In a perfect world, free of practical considerations, I think the main concern I'd have is that we count eligible population consistently across districts and states, rather than adopting a different approach for individual districts. That strikes me as a freedom likely to be abused! So this is really just more argument along the lines of "America has a basically lousy electoral system because we haven't really maintained it in a legal sense, and we should really have more federal control and regulation of the electoral process."
 

B-Dubs

No Scrubs
I don't know man.

Northeast Republican that doesn't have crazy ties to the religious right and has been out of the spotlight long enough where he isn't mired in Tea Party or Bush mess.

Could have major money supporting him.

He'll have to go too far to the right to placate the GOP base. They won't trust him as much as someone like Santorum on social issues because he's from the Northeast, so he'll have to go the extra mile to reassure them. Santorum on the other hand doesn't need to go full culture warrior this go around because everyone already knows where he fits on that sliding scale.
 
Now that Dick Morris has said he expects Republicans to hold onto the Senate in 2016, I feel more confident than ever in saying Democrats will win the Senate in 2016.

In fact it will be a full reversal of the 2014 results, net 9 seats pickup.
 

ivysaur12

Banned
Two things: One, a political map of presidential election changes from 1968 to 2012:

CGHYn_OUoAAlevX.png:large


Two: This has been making rounds on from my libertarian friends on Facebook re: Bernie's comments in his CNBC interview about deodorant choices and child hunger. Felt like for completion's sake, it deserved to be aired out here:

https://www.facebook.com/Reason.Magazine/videos/10152874828929117/
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
This strikes me as a weird justification for apportioning voting power on the basis of total population, since what you're making is an argument that people who are not currently eligible to vote, but who aren't incapable of casting a considered vote, deserve political representation. Like, obviously the logic of your argument requires that we just let felons and non-citizens vote, right? It's bizarrely circuitous to try to achieve representation for non-citizens by giving more voting power to citizens who live more-or-less near them, and I really have a hard time seeing how to do otherwise suggests that politicians shouldn't care about non-citizens when apparently not letting non-citizens vote at all isn't sending that message.

Thepotatoman actually has a good point. In fact, Texas' argument is that the courts should let states decide whether to apportion their districts to guarantee "representational equality" (i.e., equality of total population) or "electoral equality" (i.e., equality of voter population):

Texas Motion to Dismiss or Affirm said:
The Court has already recognized that while the Judiciary does have a responsibility to decide many apportionment cases, this implicates a task primarily left to the legislative process: “From the very outset, we recognized that the apportionment task, dealing as it must with fundamental ‘choices about the nature of representation,’ is primarily a political and legislative process.” Gaffney, 412 U.S. at 749 (quoting Burns, 384 U.S. at 92). And here, the particular decision to select an apportionment base on the basis of electoral equality or representational equality is even closer to the core of this legislative apportionment power than the decisions in previous apportionment cases decided by the Court.

But the question in this case is really a second-order question of equality. The Court won't be deciding which is better between "representational equality" and "electoral equality." Instead, the Court will decide whether one or the other is constitutionally mandated. And a plaintiffs' victory in this case won't necessarily disqualify one or the other approach, as the plaintiffs argue in their Opposition to Texas' Motion:

Evenwel Opposition to Motion to Dismiss or Affirm said:
That Texas could have equalized both total and voter population only makes this appeal an even more attractive vehicle. Id. 27-29. Texas claims this should be irrelevant to the constitutional inquiry, and the district court agreed. Motion 21. But the fact that Texas could have equalized both means the Court need not decide in this case whether “representational equality” is a constitutional value or just a political one. All the Court must do to reverse the district court’s decision is reaffirm the bedrock principle that the Equal Protection Clause protects the right of voters to an equal vote. There can be no doubt that the judgment below must fall if the one-person, one-vote principle provides any protection for eligible voters. Statement 28-29.

Obviously that's not super practical, but if you want to get into practicalities, this whole discussion is practically inseparable from the political realities, which is, if this case wins, the outcome is going to be a transfer of political power from usually Democratic areas to usually Republican areas, and I think it's clear that that's WHY the case is being brought at this time and in this place. So, you know, I have a cynical hope that it fails regardless of the validity of its arguments, which I think pretty much matches the attitudes of the people bring the case.

I don't think the bolded is true. The question in this case is abstract, so we really don't need to think about the practical consequences to answer it. But, even if we do consider the practical consequences, we can do so without taking into account the partisan nature of those consequences. I think--well, thought until yesterday--we can all agree that one person's vote should not carry more weight than another person's (at least with respect to elections to governmental bodies with members apportioned by population). But if we can agree on that principle, then the question in this case seems easy, because we have a clear violation of that rule. It shouldn't matter to us that equalizing voting power benefits Republicans or rural voters (which I'm willing to concede for the sake of argument); what matters is that we're equalizing voting power--that is, we're bringing our system more in line with our principles.

(But let's say that someone thinks that representational equality is also an important principle. As the plaintiffs note, this case is not one where electoral equality must be sacrificed to achieve representational equality. If we hold to both principles--that voters should have equal voting power and that districts should have equal total populations--the outcome here would still favor the plaintiffs, since (as Texas conceded) both ends can be achieved.)

Using the 14th amendment to force states into treating one class of people as being more meaningful to democracy than another class of people seems very antithetical to the 14th amendment. When a state takes away a felon's right to vote, it's apparently constitutional because they're applying that law equally to everyone that broke that law, but why would it be unconstitutional for them to say felons still count as people worth representation as a human being, even though their vote is currently taken away?

Actually:

Richardson v. Ramirez said:
Unlike most claims under the Equal Protection Clause, for the decision of which we have only the language of the Clause itself as it is embodied in the Fourteenth Amendment, respondents' claim implicates not merely the language of the Equal Protection Clause of 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, but also the provisions of the less familiar 2 of the Amendment:

"Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State." (Emphasis supplied.)​

Petitioner contends that the italicized language of 2 expressly exempts from the sanction of that section disenfranchisement grounded on prior conviction of a felony. She goes on to argue that those who framed and adopted the Fourteenth Amendment could not have intended to prohibit outright in 1 of that Amendment that which was expressly exempted from the lesser sanction of reduced representation imposed by 2 of the Amendment. This argument seems to us a persuasive one unless it can be shown that the language of 2, "except for participation in rebellion, or other crime," was intended to have a different meaning than would appear from its face.

I might add that the 14th Amendment also clearly recognizes a distinction between "persons" generally and those "persons" who are also "citizens."
 
This is just one of those issues where I really don't get the hubbub. Your vote in your district is worth the same as every other voter in that district, it's just that compared to an entirely separate district, your vote is not as influential in your respective elections. Just as a voter in a big city has a relatively less important vote for mayor than a voter in a small city. Should we redraw city and county lines to ensure equal voting share too? I would be more sympathetic if the complaint was not taking issue with the one sizing metric that is explicitly condoned by the US constitution, or if it was being applied generally and not specifically.

What this issue should really be about is the drawing of districts and not the metric we use to determine their size. After all, there's probably a dozen different metrics you could look at to determine their size (actual voting population in an election, likely voters, registered voters, eligible voters, total population, total citizen population, total citizen population over 18, etc), and each could be manipulated to cause the same inherent problem of systemic favoritism through biased mapping.

I think--well, thought until yesterday--we can all agree that one person's vote should not carry more weight than another person's (at least with respect to elections to governmental bodies with members apportioned by population).

This is more of a sophistic argument because it assumes agreement or consensus over the meaning of population where there is none; there is no unified democratic understanding of the term, although the constitution explicitly supports the total population variant. There are a variety of political processes and election methods which one might favor, all of which are more complicated than the seemingly pure and unassailable mantra of "one person, one vote".
 
Lol ron johnson posted a blog post defending his attacks on the "insidious" lego movie

http://www.ronjohnson.senate.gov/pu...-news?ID=32943183-c443-48ac-84de-11ee725a3c94

Can't wait for Russ to demolish this guy. We have the most embarrassing legislators in the world

Poor poor (millionare) job creators

Are rich business owners the thinnest skinned people on earth? I don't know if its a subconscious understanding they are the villains or just ignorance.
Aren't their penthouses, 5 cars, private jets enough for them to put up with being a villain in a fictional movie? (that by the way is based on a capitalist companies products, made by capitalists in hollywood and promotes said capitalist product and consumerism?)
 
Lol ron johnson posted a blog post defending his attacks on the "insidious" lego movie

http://www.ronjohnson.senate.gov/pu...-news?ID=32943183-c443-48ac-84de-11ee725a3c94

Can't wait for Russ to demolish this guy. We have the most embarrassing legislators in the world

Poor poor (millionare) job creators

Are rich business owners the thinnest skinned people on earth? I don't know if its a subconscious understanding they are the villains or just ignorance.
Aren't their penthouses, 5 cars, private jets enough for them to put up with being a villain in a fictional movie? (that by the way is based on a capitalist companies products, made by capitalists in hollywood and promotes said capitalist product and consumerism?)

The Lego movie is such a poor example of demonizing business owners, to boot. It's about
the son's relationship with his father, who he views as being distant because of his business,
not an indictment of capitalism or anything. SMH.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
This is more of a sophistic argument because it assumes agreement or consensus over the meaning of population where there is none; there is no unified democratic understanding of the term, although the constitution explicitly supports the total population variant. There are a variety of political processes and election methods which one might favor, all of which are more complicated than the seemingly pure and unassailable mantra of "one person, one vote".

Not at all. It assumes agreement or consensus that each vote should carry equal weight. That says nothing about how "population" is defined.
 
Not at all. It assumes agreement or consensus that each vote should carry equal weight. That says nothing about how "population" is defined.

It absolutely does in:

"respect to elections to governmental bodies with members apportioned by population"

If population was not "defined" in that sentence in a meaningful way, that is, to the particular metrics being discussed, than it could be removed for it would have no meaning or importance to the sentence. But to do so would reduce your parenthetical to redundancy, "with respect to elections to governmental bodies with members apportioned", and so itself would be removable. This would leave only:

We can all agree that one person's vote should not carry more weight than another person's

This is a concealed false dilemma. It contrasts an ideal that no one would want to oppose with an unstated outcome in which we may justifiably not adhere to it. It presumes that this ideal is the first axiom from which we work and that no others can or should operate in parallel. But if that were true wherefore the Senate? Wherefore cities and counties? Then comes the Constitutional axioms, which merely proves that the OPOV mantra does not reign supreme in the first place, so why make the implication?
 

NeoXChaos

Member
The guy who did the Infamous Obama "Hope" did an interview. Its very interesting.

“We also need a public that isn’t so uneducated and complacent. I hate to say Americans are ignorant and lazy, but a lot of them are ignorant and lazy,” he added. “But what frustrates me to no end are people who want to blame Obama or blame anything that is something that if they were actually doing anything as simple as voting, it might not be as bad as it is.”

But what frustrates me to no end are people who want to blame Obama or blame anything that is something that if they were actually doing anything as simple as voting, it might not be as bad as it is. There's a lot of finger pointing and very little action and very little research into the dynamics that created the situation that they're unhappy about.

^^This guy is so right with these two statements. We talk about this all the time in here.


http://www.esquire.com/news-politics/interviews/a35288/shepard-fairey-street-art-obama-hope-poster/
 

sc0la

Unconfirmed Member
In further support of the idea that The Onion need no longer exist, since reality has caught up:

Actual headline: "Herman Cain mocks Santorum's 'Doomed Presidential Bid'"



http://www.politico.com/story/2015/...es-rick-santorum-2016-bid-118376.html?hp=l2_4

Alright. This story did it, I have moved over into "Cain is a plant/dem operative" territory.

I thought nothing would convince me, I was wrong.

EDIT:
Oh wait Cain isn't already running. Irony level minus 10,000

Revisit this if he throws his hat in. Bonus points if Santorum then takes the text and does a find and replace back toCain.
 

HylianTom

Banned
North Carolina Governor To Veto Same-Sex Marriage Religious Objection Bill
Rebuking his fellow Republicans, North Carolina Gov. Pat McCrory vowed Thursday to veto legislation passed hours before by the state legislature that would let court officials recuse themselves from issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples based on their religious beliefs.

“I recognize that for many North Carolinians, including myself, opinions on same-sex marriage come from sincerely held religious beliefs that marriage is between a man and a woman,” McCrory said in a statement released shortly after lawmakers in the House approved the bill in a largely partisan 67-43 landslide.

“However,” he continued, “we are a nation and a state of laws. Whether it is the president, governor, mayor, a law enforcement officer, or magistrate, no public official who voluntarily swears to support and defend the Constitution and to discharge all duties of their office should be exempt from upholding that oath; therefore, I will veto Senate Bill 2.”
http://www.buzzfeed.com/dominichold...to-let-court-officials-opt?utm_term=.fsNzxXAk

Between Texas not passing its own SCOTUS-workaround law and now North Carolina avoiding a court fight here, I'll admit that I'm pretty surprised at how things are unfolding in this arena. At this point, it looks like Alabama could be the state most likely to provide resistance to a SCOTUS ruling.

---

And I really wish Cain would jump in, just for old time's sake. Add Bachmann while we're at it!
 
The guy who did the Infamous Obama "Hope" did an interview. Its very interesting.

^^This guy is so right with these two statements. We talk about this all the time in here.

http://www.esquire.com/news-politics/interviews/a35288/shepard-fairey-street-art-obama-hope-poster/

Eh, I find this kind of talk too inherently demeaning. It fosters the idea of an intellectually and morally superior class of people who are being dragged down by the masses who are the cause of our political problems. The people least likely to vote aren't the people blaming Obama for everything. Those people vote. The people who don't vote are the young adults who think they are above the system.

Just turn his own words around and you see the problem. "There's a lot of finger pointing and very little action and very little research into the dynamics that created the situation that they're unhappy about". Okay, so where's the action and research into why the masses are so ignorant, so disengaged and apathetic? Why are we finger pointing at the end result and not the changes that brought it about? Blame schools for not teaching, not kids for not knowing (I mean this not literally, as obviously there are also reasons why schools reached this state).
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
If population was not "defined" in that sentence in a meaningful way, that is, to the particular metrics being discussed, than it could be removed for it would have no meaning or importance to the sentence. But to do so would reduce your parenthetical to redundancy, "with respect to elections to governmental bodies with members apportioned", and so itself would be removable.

Nonsense. By, "governmental bodies with members apportioned by population," I didn't mean "governmental bodies with members apportioned by [total population]" or "by [voter population]." I'm not begging the question with that statement; I'm limiting the scope of my comment. So, the Senate is apportioned by statehood, not population, so it is excluded from the class of governmental bodies that my comment was directed to. But no state legislature can be apportioned by anything other than population, so they all fall within the class to which the comment is directed. And these are obviously two distinct questions, since we know that state legislatures must be apportioned by population, but do not yet know whether that means "total population," "voter population," or either as chosen by a state. The latter question is the one raised by Evenwel.

You ask about cities and counties, which I assume is an allusion to your earlier point that voters at the city and county level have different levels of electoral power. But that's not a comparable situation, because we're then talking about different governments governing different populations.

EDIT: If it's too much of a distraction, simply omit my limitation. We can affirm, at least for the sake of argument, that each person's vote with respect to any elected governmental body should be equal to each other person's vote.
 
Just turn his own words around and you see the problem. "There's a lot of finger pointing and very little action and very little research into the dynamics that created the situation that they're unhappy about". Okay, so where's the action and research into why the masses are so ignorant, so disengaged and apathetic? Why are we finger pointing at the end result and not the changes that brought it about? Blame schools for not teaching, not kids for not knowing (I mean this not literally, as obviously there are also reasons why schools reached this state).

Pretty much. He's looking at a symptom and thinking "well, this is the cause".
 
we can all agree that one person's vote should not carry more weight than another person's (at least with respect to elections to governmental bodies with members apportioned by population).

I don't agree because this is an impossibility. There is always by some measure that one vote will "carry more weight" than another person's. It's unavoidable.

Any overinclusive method would be subject to the same argument, of course. But that doesn't mean that a method that is less overinclusive than another is not superior to the other. The more overinclusive a method is, the more likely that it would distort voting power substantially. And note that the plaintiffs don't claim total population can never be used; they just claim that, when total population is used in a way that creates these significant distortions in voting populations, that violates the one-person, one-vote rule.

But the plaintiffs can't prove this in Texas because they don't have the stats to back up the claim. At least not reliably. That's my issue.

I'd like to state I'm not theoretically against the "eligible voter method," only the notion that the SCOTUS can tell states they cannot use total population even if there is a discrepancy, here.
 
I think--well, thought until yesterday--we can all agree that one person's vote should not carry more weight than another person's (at least with respect to elections to governmental bodies with members apportioned by population).

The common parlance of saying "at least" is that of a minimum that can go up in size. As in, you at least agree that OPOV should apply in this kind of situation if not more. Perhaps you meant to say something like "at most" or "insofar as it applies to". But if that was the intention, then a parenthetical was a mistake as the limitation was central to your idea and not an addendum or clarification (as a clarification should change comprehension not meaning). You either meant to speak generally or specifically, you can't have both. I will assume you meant OPOV applies only in a specific scenario.

Nonsense. By, "governmental bodies with members apportioned by population," I didn't mean "governmental bodies with members apportioned by [total population]" or "by [voter population]." I'm not begging the question with that statement; I'm limiting the scope of my comment.

Yes, you're limiting it such that your conclusion is the only possible outcome. You're creating the illusion of choice and then acting shocked that people don't accept the setup.

To say you're only looking at the general method of apportionment (by political body versus by population), as opposed to the execution of the method ignores the entire question of whether OPOV is a generally applicable ideal or a specific one.

Is OPOV supposed to apply before or after the apportionment method is chosen? If before then why do we eschew it in regards to the Senate? Any answer to that presupposes the existence of superior or countervailing ideals. If after, then OPOV can only kick in because of the particular method we have chosen. So there has to be something about apportionment by population that makes the mantra "one person, one vote" applicable in that scenario and not outweighed by alternative ideals or principles.

The problem is that the definition of population is intrinsic to this question. A body that is apportioned based on the number of voters is different than a body that is apportioned based on the number of total people. You can't say the meaning of population doesn't matter in the equation if it fundamentally changes the composition.


So, the Senate is apportioned by statehood, not population, so it is excluded from the class of governmental bodies that my comment was directed to.

But this is the entire crux of the issue in the first place! If OPOV is supposed to be generally applicable, then we can't just ignore or exclude situations which contradict it in order to maintain a facade of generality. An exception disproves the rule.

The issue is not the different ways we can decide to apportion, it's whether the "One Person, One Vote" maxim is being upheld. But no state legislature can be apportioned by anything other than population, so they all fall within the class to which the comment is directed. And these are obviously two distinct questions, since we know that state legislatures must be apportioned by population, but do not yet know whether that means "total population," "voter population," or either as chosen by a state. The latter question is the one raised by Evenwel.

Ignoring the "at least" issue from before, the fact that state legislatures must be population based doesn't tell us anything about the issue of the Senate. If the only thing that matters is whether the maxim is being upheld, then the apportionment of the Senate fails on a first pass. A vote for Senator in a big state is worth less than in small state. But the maxim is not the only thing that matters, which is the entire point.

As to the rest, we should simply look at the text.

Article 1 Section 2 Clause 3:

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons.

Overridden by the 14th Amendment Section 2:

Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.

I don't see how any honest textual or historical inquiry could say that there is latent ambiguity regarding whether person means an eligible voter. I can see the argument for ambiguity regarding citizenship and persons. But American Indians were not granted citizenship until the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924, so I think the most reasonable reading is that the issue of non-citizenship turns on taxation. The language clearly excludes Indians not taxed, it doesn't include Indians taxed as an exception. The presumption was that the non-citizen Indians would be counted unless they were not taxed.

You ask about cities and counties, which I assume is an allusion to your earlier point that voters at the city and county level have different levels of electoral power. But that's not a comparable situation, because we're then talking about different governments governing different populations.

But as you said: "The issue is not the different ways we can decide to apportion, it's whether the "One Person, One Vote" maxim is being upheld." If different governments and different populations changes the applicability of the maxim, then so too would differing definitions of population impact its applicability, for they too would result in different governments and different populations. And if you are conceding that OPOV doesn't apply as a general maxim in every case and that it depends on the specifics of the scenario, then why the attempt to position it as if it was?

EDIT: If it's too much of a distraction, simply omit my limitation. We can affirm, at least for the sake of argument, that each person's vote with respect to any elected governmental body should be equal to each other person's vote.

Now I don't even understand. You started off by complaining about how this reading of your post would not accurately reflect your intention and now you're saying it doesn't matter anyway. But that would just leave us where we were before this tangent with my original post as it was (with a slight reworking of your sentence)

We can all agree that one person's vote should not carry more weight than another person's.

Each person's vote with respect to any elected governmental body should be equal to each other person's vote

This is a concealed false dilemma. It contrasts an ideal that no one would want to oppose with an unstated outcome in which we may justifiably not adhere to it. It presumes that this ideal is the first axiom from which we work and that no others can or should operate in parallel. But if that were true wherefore the Senate? Wherefore cities and counties? Then comes the Constitutional axioms, which merely proves that the OPOV mantra does not reign supreme in the first place, so why make the implication?
 
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