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PoliGAF 2015 |OT| Keep Calm and Diablos On

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I really couldn't agree with this more.

I didn't watch the orals, but from the various summaries, there seem to be some interesting threads running through the argument. Most notably, the coercion argument is a pretty clear callback to the original ACA opinion, in which Roberts wrote the opinion deliberately to preserve the ACA while still carving out a victory for the conservatives in the form of limits on the power of the federal government. It's a signal that there might be a similar split-the-baby argument here with a 6-3 that enlarges upon the idea that the federal government cannot coerce the states with conditional revenue.

You'll note that Verrilli isn't willing to sign onto this argument because his primary responsibility (for some reason) seems to be preserving an expansive view of the power of the federal government and the executive branch.

Meanwhile, Ginsberg also wants to float the idea that the whole case can go for lack of standing and we can avoid getting to the merits at all, which would theoretically keep SCOTUS's profile low.

Which is bull, its horrible and found nowhere in the constitution. Its how much of federal policy has been enacted.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
The "contract" in the ACA isn't just about building Exchanges or not though. It's the entire interdependent framework of various reforms to health care delivery, particularly the health insurance market, which States are forced to accept. The FFE States didn't reject any offer, they accepted one to still receive federal money without building an Exchange. Pennhurst is overkill for defeating the challenger's interpretation, the penalty imposed on non-complying States is unconstitutionally vague.

This isn't right. The part of the ACA that is a "contract" would be the part (or parts) that offer federal funding for states implementing some federal program. The insurance reforms don't work like that. States don't accept a federal offer with strings attached by doing nothing--they have to do whatever the attached strings require.

Oh, shit, was oral argument this morning?! I completely forgot.

EDIT:

Which is bull, its horrible and found nowhere in the constitution. Its how much of federal policy has been enacted.

I think what pigeon is saying is that, while the federal government can give incentives to states to implement its programs through conditional revenue, it cannot do so in a way that is coercive. He isn't saying all such schemes are unconstitutionally coercive. (I know you disagree with the doctrine entirely, though, but it's pretty well settled by this point.)
 

pigeon

Banned
I think what pigeon is saying is that, while the federal government can give incentives to states to implement its programs through conditional revenue, it cannot do so in a way that is coercive. He isn't saying all such schemes are unconstitutionally coercive. (I know you disagree with the doctrine entirely, though, but it's pretty well settled by this point.)

I wasn't very clear about it, but yes, basically that's what I meant. NFIB v Sebelius defined a specific limited case where a conditional revenue law was coercive (involving withholding previously granted funds). This would be an opportunity for conservative constitutional scholars to expand that case.
 
I think what pigeon is saying is that, while the federal government can give incentives to states to implement its programs through conditional revenue, it cannot do so in a way that is coercive. He isn't saying all such schemes are unconstitutionally coercive. (I know you disagree with the doctrine entirely, though, but it's pretty well settled by this point.)

Its not settled. It was enacted this roberts court and its depth has not been tested. I'm in complete agreement with RBG's dissent on their medicare decision

At bottom, my colleagues' position is that the States' reliance on federal funds limits Congress's authority to alter its spending programs. This gets things backwards: Congress, not the States, is tasked with spending federal money in service of the general welfare. And each successive Congress is empowered to appropriate funds as it sees fit. When the 110th Congress reached a conclusion about Medicaid funds that differed from its predecessors' view, it abridged no State's right to "existing", or "pre-existing", funds.... For, in fact, there are no such funds. There is only money States anticipate receiving from future Congresses.
When future Spending Clause challenges arrive, as they likely will in the wake of today's decision, how will litigants and judges assess whether "a State has a legitimate choice whether to accept the federal conditions in exchange for federal funds"? Are courts to measure the number of dollars the Federal Government might withhold for noncompliance? The portion of the State's budget at stake? And which State's—or States'—budget is determinative: the lead plaintiff, all challenging States (26 in this case, many with quite different fiscal situations), or some national median

The doctrine espoused in the previous case says congress can't spend money because state's don't want to deal with changes to their budgets. Well tough, its not their money to spend.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
Its not settled. It was enacted this roberts court and its depth has not been tested. I'm in complete agreement with RBG's dissent on their medicare decision

The doctrine espoused in the previous case says congress can't spend money because state's don't want to deal with changes to their budgets. Well tough, its not their money to spend.

Ginsburg's dissent was a dissent from an opinion agreed to by 7 justices of the Supreme Court. It's settled.

My point, however, was that the Court has long stated that coercive Spending Clause programs would be unconstitutional. NFIB was the first time they held that a given program crossed the line, but the principle is not of recent vintage.

EDIT: Drat. Sorry for the double post. You people post too slowly.
 
Ginsburg's dissent was a dissent from an opinion agreed to by 7 justices of the Supreme Court. It's settled.

My point, however, was that the Court has long stated that coercive Spending Clause programs would be unconstitutional. NFIB was the first time they held that a given program crossed the line, but the principle is not of recent vintage.

EDIT: Drat. Sorry for the double post. You people post too slowly.

3 Justices joined that particular part. 2 dissented and the other 4 held the entire thing had to go.

I would not say that is settled and I think you'd have to see how Kagan and Breyer settle future cases before anyone says its settled. The opinion of 3 isn't settled case law.

I can see the conservatives going along with it because its limits federal power with no basis in the constitution but we know ends justify means to at least 3 of them.

Never mind the fact that even it was upheld I'd expect/hope it to be overturned by future courts because its a horrible law that goes against the very reason the constitution was created. Federal control of federal funds.
 

ivysaur12

Banned

rStqmyAi.jpeg
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
3 Justices joined that particular part. 2 dissented and the other 4 held the entire thing had to go.

Roberts' opinion was joined by Breyer and Kagan. Scalia's opinion, which also held the Medicaid expansion unconstitutionally coercive, was joined by Alito, Kennedy, and Thomas. Seven justices agreed that the Medicaid expansion was unconstitutional. It's settled.
 
T

thepotatoman

Unconfirmed Member
Justice Kagan does a great analogy:

"So I have three clerks, Mr. Carvin.  Their names are Will and Elizabeth and Amanda.  Okay?  So my first clerk, I say, Will, I'd like you to write me a memo.  And I say, Elizabeth, I want you to edit Will's memo once he's done. 

And then I say, Amanda, listen, if Will is too busy to write the memo, I want you to write such memo.

Now, my question is:  If Will is too busy to write the memo and Amanda has to write such memo, should Elizabeth edit the memo?
"

(...)

"Because in my chambers, if Elizabeth did not edit the memo, Elizabeth would not be performing her function.  In other words, there's a ­­ a substitute, and I've set up a substitute.  And then I've given ­­ I've given instructions:  Elizabeth, you write ­­ you edit Will's memo, but of course if Amanda writes the memo, the instructions carry over.  Elizabeth knows what she's supposed to do.  She's supposed to edit Amanda's memo, too."

Maybe she should have said "Elizabeth, I want you to edit the memo written by Will" instead, to make it more perfect.
 

ivysaur12

Banned
POLLS

PublicPolicyPolling ‏@ppppolls 2m2 minutes ago
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#SURGE

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The general election for President in North Carolina looks like it's setting up to be a toss up for a third straight time after being the second closest state in the country in both 2008 and 2012. Hillary Clinton is within 4 points of all nine Republicans we tested against her. The only one who actually leads Clinton is Ben Carson at 46/45. She is also tied with Mike Huckabee at 46%. Beyond that Clinton leads the other seven Republicans but in all cases it's pretty close. She has a 2 point advantage over Scott Walker at 45/43. She's up 3 on Chris Christie (45/42), Rand Paul (46/43), and Rick Perry (47/44). And her lead is 4 points over Jeb Bush (46/42), Marco Rubio (also 46/42), and Ted Cruz (47/43). It's early but it looks like North Carolina could be close once again.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
Justice Kagan does a great analogy:

...

Maybe she should have said "Elizabeth, I want you to edit the memo written by Will" instead, to make it more perfect.

I think one big problem with Kagan's analogy is that it deals with ordinary, everyday communications. We implicitly understand that such communication will be sloppy, not precise. Statutes are a different sort of communication--we expect precision, and the rules for interpreting statutes assume that words are used precisely.

EDIT: I'm at page 14 in the transcript right now, and frustrated that Carvin hasn't corrected Breyer's misreading of section 1311(d)(1) (the "An Exchange shall be a governmental agency or non-profit entity established by the State" provision I've discussed before). That's an easy mistake to correct, but if left uncorrected, it can easily undermine the challengers' argument.
 

ivysaur12

Banned
I think one big problem with Kagan's analogy is that it deals with ordinary, everyday communications. We implicitly understand that such communication will be sloppy, not precise. Statutes are a different sort of communication--we expect precision, and the rules for interpreting statutes assume that words are used precisely.

EDIT: I'm at page 14 in the transcript right now, and frustrated that Carvin hasn't corrected Breyer's misreading of section 1311(d)(1) (the "An Exchange shall be a governmental agency or non-profit entity established by the State" provision I've discussed before). That's an easy mistake to correct, but if left uncorrected, it can easily undermine the challengers' argument.

You can always bring it up in chambers to your colleagues on Friday.
 

AntoneM

Member
Code:
5 Mr. Hurst was a veteran for 10 months in
6 1970. He is not eligible for any veterans service
7 because if you've served such a short -- health
8 services. If you serve such a short --

This is from page 4 of the transcript. There is no minimum time period of service so long as it wasn't a dishonorable discharge. Carvin talking out of his ass.

Most Veterans who enlisted after September 7, 1980, or entered active duty after October 16, 1981, must have served 24 continuous months or the full period for which they were called to active duty in order to be eligible. This minimum duty requirement may not apply to Veterans who were discharged for a disability incurred or aggravated in the line of duty, for a hardship or “early out,” or those who served prior to September 7, 1980. Since there are a number of other exceptions to the minimum duty requirements, VA encourages all Veterans to apply so that we may determine their enrollment eligibility.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
Code:
5 Mr. Hurst was a veteran for 10 months in
6 1970. He is not eligible for any veterans service
7 because if you've served such a short -- health
8 services. If you serve such a short --

This is from page 4 of the transcript. There is no minimum time period of service so long as it wasn't a dishonorable discharge. Carvin talking out of his ass.

Verrilli agrees with him. See page 40 of the transcript.

See: CERCLA.

What about it?
 

pigeon

Banned
Here's my tea leaves:

* Roberts delivers the opinion of the court, joined by Kennedy and Sotomayor, and finding that making the subsidies conditional on the State establishing an exchange would be unconstitutionally coercive and so the law must be read to allow subsidies on federal exchanges.
* Ginsberg concurs in the judgement, joined by Breyer and Kagan. Possibly, but not definitely, on standing.
* Scalia dissents, joined by Alito and Thomas, and would strike the law. (Small possibility that Thomas dissents separately.)
 

Crisco

Banned
Did Roberts make any notable comments? I have a feeling he doesn't want to touch this thing with a 20 foot pole and hopes the court can reach a consensus without him.
 

B-Dubs

No Scrubs
Here's my tea leaves:

* Roberts delivers the opinion of the court, joined by Kennedy and Sotomayor, and finding that making the subsidies conditional on the State establishing an exchange would be unconstitutionally coercive and so the law must be read to allow subsidies on federal exchanges.
* Ginsberg concurs in the judgement, joined by Breyer and Kagan. Possibly, but not definitely, on standing.
* Scalia dissents, joined by Alito and Thomas, and would strike the law. (Small possibility that Thomas dissents separately.)

This is how I see it going. Scalia is going to want to strike down the whole thing again and Roberts won't want to make such a blatantly political move so he'll join up with the left once more.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
Here's my tea leaves:

* Roberts delivers the opinion of the court, joined by Kennedy and Sotomayor, and finding that making the subsidies conditional on the State establishing an exchange would be unconstitutionally coercive and so the law must be read to allow subsidies on federal exchanges.
* Ginsberg concurs in the judgement, joined by Breyer and Kagan. Possibly, but not definitely, on standing.
* Scalia dissents, joined by Alito and Thomas, and would strike the law. (Small possibility that Thomas dissents separately.)

I think Breyer and Kagan would be more likely to join Roberts and Kennedy on a coercion holding than Sotomayor, given that they joined Roberts in NFIB. I don't think anybody will decide this case on the basis of standing, and I'd be a little surprised if anybody even mentioned it aside from chastising someone or another for failing to develop a sufficient evidentiary record.

But even now, I won't venture to guess the outcome. We'll have our answer soon enough.

Did Roberts make any notable comments? I have a feeling he doesn't want to touch this thing with a 20 foot pole and hopes the court can reach a consensus without him.

No, Roberts was pretty quiet.

EDIT: Just one more unsolicited comment about the oral argument. On pages 71 - 73, Verrilli argues that the word "qualified" in the phrase "qualified individuals" should provide independent meaning to the phrase. That's wrong. The statute specifically defines the phrase "qualified individuals," and that phrase is little more than a stand-in for the full statutory definition. They could have used any phrase for that purpose (e.g., rather than "qualified individuals," they could have simply said "X"). The ordinary meaning of "qualified" is irrelevant, because the statute is not referring to a "person qualified to purchase on an Exchange" (Sotomayor's paraphrase), but, "with respect to an Exchange, an individual who (i) is seeking to enroll in a qualified health plan in the invididual market offered through the Exchange; and (2) resides in the State that established the Exchange." So, when you see the phrase "qualified individual" in Title 42 of the US Code, you replace it with the statutory definition. Neither "qualified" nor "individual" bring independent meaning to the term simply because they are the words used in the phrase. (Otherwise, the definition would not have to explain it's referring to "an individual.")
 
Please. Everybody knows that you weren't commenting because you were the one giving the argument. Is Scalia as much of a troll in person?

This whole case is such a troll case.

And have you the stories about the plaintiffs? They are actually harmed by getting rid of the law. This is not zealously representing your clients.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
This whole case is such a troll case.

And have you the stories about the plaintiffs? They are actually harmed by getting rid of the law. This is not zealously representing your clients.

Depends on how they define "harm," don't you think?
 
The entirety of Roberts' remarks (with a bit of context added):

CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: We'll hear argument this morning in Case 14-­114 King v. Burwell. Mr. Carvin.
CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Justice Ginsburg.
CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Mr. Carvin, we've heard talk about this other case. Did you win that other case?

(Laughter.)

CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: So maybe it makes sense that you have a different story today?

MR. CARVIN: I'm really glad Your Honor said that.

(Laughter.)
CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Mr. Carvin, why don't you take an extra ten minutes and maybe we'll give you a little bit more of a chance to talk.
CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Thank you, counsel. General Verrilli, you'll have extra ten minutes as well.
GENERAL VERRILLI: No, no. It will depend on whether as a factual matter of the has and is, in fact, liable for the tax penalty for 2014. And that's information that is not in the government's possession; it is in the possession of Petitioners' counsel. And I should make one more point, with respect to 2015, there were no projections, there's nothing in the record about the possible income of any of the Petitioners for 2015, so there's really nothing that would establish a case of controversy for 2014.

CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Well, you're surely not raising a standing question with us here for the first time at oral argument, are you?

GENERAL VERRILLI: Well, Mr. Chief Justice, as I said, that based on the projections, it is our ­­it was our understanding that at least 1 of the 4 would be liable for a tax penalty. The question of standing has been raised and I've tried to identify for the Court what I think is the relevant question, which is whether any one of the 4 has, in fact ­­ is, in fact, liable for a tax penalty because ­­-

CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: This is -­­ this is on a motion to dismiss, right?

GENERAL VERRILLI:  Well, that's correct, Your Honor, but it does also go to this Court's jurisdiction...

CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: If you're right ­­ If you're right --if you're right about Chevron, that would indicate that a subsequent administration could change that interpretation?

GENERAL VERRILLI: I think a subsequent administration would need a very strong case under step two of the Chevron analysis that that was a reasonable judgment in view of the disruptive consequences. So as I said, I think you can resolve and should resolve this case because the statute really has to be read when taken as a whole to adopt the government's position.

CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Thank you, General. Four minutes, Mr. Carvin.

CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS: Thank you, counsel. The case is submitted.
 

Crisco

Banned
Like, this is an outright lie, right?

The context is the only provisions in the Act establishing any limit on the  subsidies is found in 36B.

https://sites.google.com/site/healthreformnavigator/ppaca-sec
https://sites.google.com/site/healthreformnavigator/ppaca-sec-1311
https://sites.google.com/site/healthreformnavigator/ppaca-sec-1312
https://sites.google.com/site/healthreformnavigator/ppaca-sec-1412

Are the justices allowed iPads under their robes? Someone explain to me why judges can't just be replaced with natural language processors?
 

ivysaur12

Banned
Here's my tea leaves:

* Roberts delivers the opinion of the court, joined by Kennedy and Sotomayor, and finding that making the subsidies conditional on the State establishing an exchange would be unconstitutionally coercive and so the law must be read to allow subsidies on federal exchanges.
* Ginsberg concurs in the judgement, joined by Breyer and Kagan. Possibly, but not definitely, on standing.
* Scalia dissents, joined by Alito and Thomas, and would strike the law. (Small possibility that Thomas dissents separately.)

That's what it seemed like to me after reading the transcript, though I think Metaphoreus could be right about Breyer and Kagan versus Sotomayor.
 
I think Breyer and Kagan would be more likely to join Roberts and Kennedy on a coercion holding than Sotomayor, given that they joined Roberts in NFIB. I don't think anybody will decide this case on the basis of standing, and I'd be a little surprised if anybody even mentioned it aside from chastising someone or another for failing to develop a sufficient evidentiary record.

But even now, I won't venture to guess the outcome. We'll have our answer soon enough.

No, Roberts was pretty quiet.


I don't think anyone will revert to Standing at all. I think all but Sotamayer might join Roberts and then Sotamayer will write a concurrence saying that the reading of the text is unambiguous in favor of the Federal Gov't but even if not Roberts federalism argument is correct. This will be joined by Kagan and Breyer.

everyone = the 6 already listed.

Pretty sure Scalia is just a troll and will go against. Alito probably and Thomas too (though I'm a bit unsure of these two).

Roberts being silent was unexpected. Kennedy worried about federalism is not (I kind of expected it and it's why I harped on the federalism issues yesterday).


I'm going to agree with Metaphoreus (hey I spelled your name right!) on the coercion argument with APKman. I think the Court settled it.


I still can't imagine Roberts aligning with King. If he really wanted to stop the ACA, he would have done it 2 years ago before the Exchanges were in place when he could have stopped the gov't in its tracks rather than expand the Tax Power of the Federal Government. He's not going to expand that power 2 years ago only to significantly harm the ACA 2 years later in mid-stream over something as silly as glossed over language in the text.



Carver did a reasonable job, IMO. Verrilli I've never been much of a fan and thought he was weak at times. But one thing I thought Carver botched was his excuse about him not arguing that the subsidies matter when the destruction of the marketplace and death spirals were brought up. He was caught being a hypocrite and didn't own up to it.

Pigeon, regarding the gov't not making the case for coercion, should it come to that, Verrilli is going to have to argue it isn't coercion because he defends the Federal Gov't and nothing they do is Unconstitutional in his arguments. But of course he believes it is and wants the SCOTUS to think that, which is why the language he used there was the way it was. Kind of like saying "No it's not," while nodding.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
Carver did a reasonable job, IMO. Verrilli I've never been much of a fan and thought he was weak at times. But one thing I thought Carver botched was his excuse about him not arguing that the subsidies matter when the destruction of the marketplace and death spirals were brought up. He was caught being a hypocrite and didn't own up to it.

The audio might change my mind, but I wasn't too impressed by Carvin's performance. He raised some good points at times, but left a bunch of other good points unsaid. I thought Verrilli did a much better job of arguing his side. However, Carvin did have to contend with much more intense questioning than did Verrilli.

Regarding Carvin's appearance in NFIB, the liberals were just trolling him. As an attorney, he argues on behalf of his clients, not himself, and he has different clients in this case than he did in NFIB. (I thought Roberts' question about whether Carvin won that case was hilarious.)
 
The audio might change my mind, but I wasn't too impressed by Carvin's performance. He raised some good points at times, but left a bunch of other good points unsaid. I thought Verrilli did a much better job of arguing his side. However, Carvin did have to contend with much more intense questioning than did Verrilli.

Regarding Carvin's appearance in NFIB, the liberals were just trolling him. As an attorney, he argues on behalf of his clients, not himself, and he has different clients in this case than he did in NFIB. (I thought Roberts' question about whether Carvin won that case was hilarious.)

yeah, it was funny. I still thought his responses were bad. He tried to pretend like the subsidies didn't matter after arguing in the past they did. But that's not that important.

I thought Alito suggesting a stay was interesting, but Verrilli later explained why a 6 month stay was fruitless (it needs to be like 3 years, really).
 

Oblivion

Fetishing muscular manly men in skintight hosery
The government's argument for Obamacare went pretty well today, but let's not celebrate just yet. If you remember back in 2012 when the issue of the mandate was being debated, everyone agreed the solicitor general did a pretty horrible job those first few days, but still wound up winning. Just cause a conservative realizes there'll be dire consequences to something doesn't mean they still won't support it (that's how we still keep getting tax cuts on the rich, after all).
 
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