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PoliGAF 2015 |OT| Keep Calm and Diablos On

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Ecotic

Member
It doesn't help when Democratic candidates run away from their own party and accomplishments. When you're trying out republican your GOP opponent, run away from Democratic ideals, and try to run away from the president, those are a great ways to demotivate Democratic constituents to go vote. 2014 was always going to be a tough election for Democrats, but I don't think it should've been as bad as it was.T here were things Democrats could have done, such as pushing hard for minimum wage increase. The issue was popular nation-wide, as seen by the successful ballot initiatives even in red states. Why Democrats gave up on it I have no idea.

I just don't think running as GOP-lite is a viable strategy anymore. Voters that come out in mid-term elections knows exactly what they are looking for. They ain't going to settle for a half-assed conservative when they can get the real deal.

I agree about not running as GOP lite, but issues like minimum wage are such small ball though.

I've got an idea for Democrats, outline a sweeping vision full of really big ticket items. Single-payer healthcare, a nationwide high speed rail transit system, decriminalization of drug abuse, and massive infant industry subsidies for electric cars and renewable energy, all paid for by a carbon tax. Impress voters for a change.

It's just bargaining 101, when your opponents are asking to throw out everything and the kitchen sink from the books along with 3 Cabinet level departments and the EPA and you're asking for next to nothing, then any compromise will be halfway or more into favorable turf for them.
 
Of course there's a scenario where Cannon looks good: he believes what he's writing, and what he's writing is true. You read Cannon to be denying that a death spiral in insurance markets would occur, but I don't think he is.

Right, he's saying it wouldn't be serious at all if a death spiral were to happen, and that because a small minority of states enacted community rating without a mandate utterly destroyed the market for individual insurgence, clearly that wouldn't be a serious punishment to inflict on 37 states for not building their exchanges.

Making an argument this idiotic should basically disqualify Cannon from ever talking about healthcare policy.

But there is evidence to support that Congress crafted the ACA to operate precisely as Cannon claims (including the text and certain legislative history of the statute), and there is also evidence to support that states "might make the rational choice" to go without a state-established Exchange even if that meant giving up tax credits (see point 2 in the article you linked).

Right, here you go on about a different definition of "intent" than the one Cannon is talking about. Because "established by the State", lolz.

I'm not going to get drawn into a debate about your lawyer definition of intent. I'm going to use the meaning of intent that Cannon is using here. What did Congress intend to do in passing the ACA?

It is utterly, utterly, incomprehensibly idiotic, to suggest that Congress intentionally wrote a bill that would destroy the individual health market in any state that didn't set up its own exchange. This is something that is so painfully obvious that I shouldn't have to explain why it is the case. If you don't know why it is the case, please stop speaking on the subject of King. Cannon fully suggests that this was the intent of Congress, indicating that he's a fairly massive fool if he believes it.

I don't see the point in arguing over whether Cannon is evil or his conduct disturbing, but perhaps you should reconsider your conclusions on those questions given the apparent flaws in your premises.

I will not. This man is the architect of the most disingenuous troll lawsuit in history, and he's built an offensively ridiculous alternate history to support his cause, all for the purpose of seriously negatively impacting the lives of millions. He is either a foolish little boy gleefully playing with fire, or he is a vile scumbag worthy of no one's respect. There isn't any middle ground for Cannon.

I don't actually think he believes everything he's saying: hence I'm going with the "he's evil" theory. I'd actually be kind of relieved if it turned out he was just an idiot. Hanlon's Razor and all.
 

Trouble

Banned
Tedward Cruz will officially announce that he's entering the Presidential race on Monday.

I hope he wins the nomination.

I hope the base finally gets their super conservative candidate.

I hope they learn that they haven't been losing because their candidate wasn't 'conservative enough'.

I hope the fever finally breaks.

I hope.
 

Drakeon

Member
I hope he wins the nomination.

I hope the base finally gets their super conservative candidate.

I hope they learn that they haven't been losing because their candidate wasn't 'conservative enough'.

I hope the fever finally breaks.

I hope.

This isn't going to happen. We thought it might after 2008. Then after 2012. It's not going to happen. Unless they accidentally nominate a Santorum type and get Goldwater'd, then it might.
 

NeoXChaos

Member
If the conservative alternatives keep splitting the vote and delegates then they wont get their conservative candidate.

As long as the money trumps ideology, you wont get your Goldwater scenario and the Republican with the "best chance to win" will be chosen after all the kicking and screaming. That candidate that I still think will ultimately win the nomination: Jeb Bush
 
Pack it up

Get ready for President Cruz

gotta say I'm baffled by Obama's victory lap behavior lately. Things are still bad for a lot of people, the working poor continue to increase, yet he's out there acting like he won something.

Hillary could lose to a good GOP candidate IMO. I just don't think such a candidate exists.
 

dabig2

Member
gotta say I'm baffled by Obama's victory lap behavior lately. Things are still bad for a lot of people, the working poor continue to increase, yet he's out there acting like he won something.

Hillary could lose to a good GOP candidate IMO. I just don't think such a candidate exists.

Overall, 57% say their perfect Obama successor would change most of the policies of the Obama administration, while 41% prefer that the next president continue most of his policies. Republicans are near unanimous in their search for a change in most of Obama's policies: 94% want that. Among Democrats, 22% are looking for changes while 77% would prefer Obama's policies to remain in place.

This is definitely a poll worth skewing, as in Republicans are overwhelmingly skewing this by being insanely opposed to Obama. These people were likely never Obama voters nor would they throw their lot in with Democrats. And I would like to delve further into that 22% Dem figure as well. For example, I want to change Obamacare, drone strike program, and a few other things. But not in any way that would make me vote for a Republican to get the changes I want for those things.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
Right, he's saying it wouldn't be serious at all if a death spiral were to happen, and that because a small minority of states enacted community rating without a mandate utterly destroyed the market for individual insurgence, clearly that wouldn't be a serious punishment to inflict on 37 states for not building their exchanges.

Making an argument this idiotic should basically disqualify Cannon from ever talking about healthcare policy.

You're still misunderstanding (or misrepresenting) his argument, which has numerous components: first, the Supreme Court has already held that imposing burdens on residents of a state on account of state action does not coerce states; second, foregoing subsidies offers other benefits to states, such as having employers be freed from the employer mandate and many individuals freed from the individual mandate; third, several states imposed ACA-like regimes on their individual markets prior to the ACA and its credits; fourth, several states filed lawsuits or amicus briefs asking that they be put to this choice; fifth, several states have enacted laws (and a few have enacted amendments to their state constitutions) prohibiting their state governments from participating in implementing the ACA's twin mandates; and sixth, the state-Exchange-for-credits arrangement is comparable to what the Supreme Court permitted with respect to Medicaid expansion in NFIB. From these points, Cannon concludes that the arrangement is not unconstitutionally coercive.

Right, here you go on about a different definition of "intent" than the one Cannon is talking about. Because "established by the State", lolz.

Here is every use of the word "intent" in the article you linked to:

Michael Cannon said:
[This space intentionally left blank]

Here's how Cannon, in past pieces, has defined "intent" with respect to Congress and the ACA:

Adler & Cannon said:
Although this Article often refers to congressional ‘‘intent,’’ a body composed of 535 individuals cannot be said to have a single ‘‘intent.’’ This is a convenient ‘‘shorthand’’ for how to characterize what is actually the result of negotiation, compromise, and deal-making among many lawmakers, each of whom may have his or her own specific intent with regard to the legislation. See Matthew C. Stephenson, The Price of Public Action: Constitutional Doctrine and the Judicial Manipulation of Legislative Enactment Costs, 118 Yale L.J. 2, 14 n.25 (2008) (‘‘Characterizing the legislature, or the enacting coalition, as a unitary actor that ‘knows’ the effect of policies on outcomes and chooses the policy that would advance ‘its’ interest is a shorthand way of describing this more complex collective choice process.’’). Thus, to say that a bill provision was intentional is to say that it is a result of this process, and was drafted as intended by some of those involved in writing and amending the bill, and not to claim that every member of Congress who supported a bill desired each provision of the bill. This is particularly so given the unfortunate tendency of some legislators to not even read the legislation upon which they express opinions and cast votes. See generally Hanah Volokh, A Read-the-Bill Rule for Congress, 76 Mo. L. Rev. 135, 136-38 (2011).

Vox.com said:
Sarah Kliff: You and Adler initially thought that this was a glitch or a typo, that it was a drafting error where legislators were sloppy and forgot a word. But you’ve since become convinced that it was the intention of Congress to withhold subsidies from states that don’t build exchanges. How did your viewpoint change on that?

Michael Cannon: We first thought that it was a mistake, that it was a drafting error. And it is still a glitch in the sense that it’s a snag or something that complicates implementation. The reason I didn’t initially think they wrote it this way was it would give states a lot of power to block the law.

But we started doing a lot of research into this, the most research that I think anyone has done. And if you look at the tax-credit eligibility rules, they are very tightly worded. It’s not in one place, but in two places, it says that the credits are only available "through an Exchange established by the State." Then there are seven different cross-references to that language. They never mentioned any other type of exchange. They never mentioned exchanges generally. It's all very tightly worded to refer only to exchanges "established by the State."

Then if you look at the legislative history, you'll find that that was the language in the Finance Committee's bill and when it passed the Finance Committee. But that bill only had one of those explicit "Exchanges established by the State" phrases. They added the other one in Harry Reid's office while it was being merged with the HELP bill under the direction of the Senate leadership and White House staff — Peter Orszag and Valerie Jarrett and Nancy-Ann DeParle, and everyone else who was going in and out of that room. So this restriction was added to the statute in multiple places at multiple points in the drafting process.

...

Sarah Kliff: Are you 100 percent convinced it was Congress's intent to withhold subsidies in the federal exchange?

Michael Cannon: There are two ways to interpret that question. Did the people who wrote this language mean to withhold subsidies in federal exchanges? My answer to that is, I'm 100 percent convinced that they meant to do that.

The other way to think about it is, "Did the people who voted for this law intend to withhold subsidies in federal exchanges?" That’s a different question, but the answer is the same. I’m 100 percent convinced that’s what the members of Congress who enacted this law meant to do, just the same way I’m 100 percent convinced they meant to throw people off of their existing health plans even though they said, "If you like your health plan, you can keep it."

What members of Congress might have ideally wanted is different from congressional intent, which is determined by what they actually vote on. If the language of a statute is clear, then that constitutes congressional intent.

Adler & Cannon said:
The health law's authors in Congress deliberately chose to pass the bill with known imperfections and to use the reconciliation process to make only limited amendments. Writing a perfect bill would have required too many votes and risked failure. If what they passed was an imperfect bill with no premium assistance in federal exchanges, then that is what Congress intended.

So, when you say, "I'm going to use the meaning of intent that Cannon is using here," you're misusing the phrase "Cannon is using here"--it doesn't mean (as you seem to believe), "I wish Cannon had used."
 

Gotchaye

Member
Here's an interesting blog post that says [compulsory voting] may not have much of a partisan effect at all.

I didn't find this very convincing. Like, on the one hand it's obviously true that there's not really any plausible change to the system that would make every election a Democratic victory for the next century. But this is conflating partisan outcomes with ideological outcomes, since the nature of the system is that parties' platforms change over time in pursuit of votes. When liberalism isn't very popular liberal parties get less liberal - see the Third Way. So, yes, it's silly to expect that compulsory voting would give Democrats a huge advantage for a very long time, but that's because, if compulsory voting produces an electorate which is friendlier to what the Democrats stand for now, the parties would move left such that the median voter remains more-or-less between them.

And the political scientist linked to does believe that compulsory voting changes the ideological center of the electorate. He wants to make the case that it moves it in a way that no educated person wants, but the Volokh guy sums up non-voters like this: "They are more economically populist, as well, which translates into support for a larger welfare state, but also for various policies that go against basic economics 101 (including as understood by leading left-wing economists)." There's a potential tradeoff here, but it's not obviously a bad idea to give more say to people who want more welfare spending even if they have a relatively weak understanding of economics.

The political scientist's attack on what he calls the Demographic Argument is particularly unconvincing, I think. The idea is that voters typically vote altruistically in the sense that they try to vote for what's best for the country, and advantaged voters, by virtue of being more informed, are better equipped to determine what's best for the country. They're in a better position to make political decisions on behalf of disadvantaged non/voters than the disadvantaged themselves. His example is positions on free trade. But it's easy to imagine that a person's position of advantage is itself an obstacle to their understanding of what's best for the disadvantaged, either out of ignorance of the actual state of the disadvantaged or because of various cognitive biases. We've had this argument before, right? The thinking here seems to prove way too much. This has come up before in historical arguments about civil rights (construed broadly). Like, it was pretty common for slavery to be defended on the grounds that it was actually better even for the black slaves. The black slaves had a different opinion, and they were right even though they were in general more ignorant of economics and all that. That doesn't seem to me to be a coincidence - despite being less educated the slaves were in a very good position to judge the impact of slavery on slaves. One could say something similar about women's suffrage or the civil rights movement.

Sure, maybe compulsory voting has downsides. Maybe the median voter becomes more of an "intolerant [towards gay people], economically innumerate, hawkish bigot". But it's hard to imagine that this doesn't also come with favoring more spending on the poor and more opposition to mass incarceration, among other things, just because compulsory voting is adding in a lot more poor people and black people.
 
gotta say I'm baffled by Obama's victory lap behavior lately. Things are still bad for a lot of people, the working poor continue to increase, yet he's out there acting like he won something.

You're baffled by a politician hyping up all the stuff he did instead of going around admitting failure and saying that his time in power was not enough to pull people out of the ocean of shit they're in?

Too see what happens when democrats downplay what little they achieve, all you gotta do is look at 2014.
 
Metaphoreus, if that's your serious opinion, or if you don't see the major problem with Cannon's argument, I would suggest that you reconsider whether or not you are qualified to speak at such length on the subject

A death spiral in any state would result in a loss of jobs, an increase in uncompensated hospital care, and an increase in the state's financial burden in providing medical care to its citizens. To say nothing of the damage the state would suffer in a loss of competitiveness with other states if it had no functioning insurance market.

The fact that you seriously do not consider the loss of the state's health insurance market to be a big f****** deal indicates that you really need to do a lot more reading on the subject of health care economics instead of making this a purely theoretical and rhetorical exercise. This has been my problem with you the whole time, btw. You treat this like some grammar puzzle with no understanding of any of the context around these words.

The complete destruction of a state's health insurance market would be an absolute disaster. The fact that New York and a few other states were economically illiterate enough to set up community rating without a mandate and subsidies, and in so doing destroyed their own insurance markets, does not mean that this would not be a gun to the head most of the other 37 states that would be affected by the ruling you want in King.
 

Diablos

Member
Dems were in trouble in 2010, ACA or not. If it never passed they would have still lost the House; they likely would have held a few more seats here and there but nothing to prevent the GOP from winning back the majority.

It's the talking point from the Democratic House majority that I appreciated most in their final days: It's not how long you have your majority, it's what you do with it. It's so true. If you know the far-right nutcases are coming out of the woodwork you stand up for what you believe in. What has the GOP been able to accomplish? Nothing, because they're filled with a bunch of idiots with the tea party and a bunch of billionaires preventing them from legislating sensibly.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
I didn't find this very convincing. Like, on the one hand it's obviously true that there's not really any plausible change to the system that would make every election a Democratic victory for the next century. But this is conflating partisan outcomes with ideological outcomes, since the nature of the system is that parties' platforms change over time in pursuit of votes.

I don't think your point is contrary to Somin's. As he writes:

Ilya Somin said:
In part because nonvoters tend to be less educated and more ignorant about politics than voters, they also tend to be more xenophobic, intolerant of racial and religious minorities, and more homophobic. They are more economically populist, as well, which translates into support for a larger welfare state, but also for various policies that go against basic economics 101 (including as understood by leading left-wing economists). If compulsory voting leads politicians to pay greater heed the the views of this group, the result will be policies that are more socially intolerant, more likely to be based on ignorance of economics, and more hostile to unpopular minority groups.

If there is any ideology that stands benefit from compulsory voting, it is relatively intolerant strains of big government social conservatism (the kinds of ideas associated with, e.g., Rick Santorum or Pat Buchanan in the US, or the National Front in France). If you are a liberal who believes that the most important goal is increasing the size of the welfare state or promoting protectionism against foreign imports, you might be willing to swallow the bile of increased social conservatism and xenophobia in order to make some progress on your primary goal. But you should at least recognize that this tradeoff exists.

So, he isn't merely arguing that compulsory voting is not likely to result in more Democrats being elected (as he does when he says that "political science research suggests that the partisan preferences of American nonvoters differ very little from those of people who vote in the status quo"); he also argues that the sort of ideological realignment that would accompany mandatory voting would not be entirely one-sided. He writes in an earlier post:

Ilya Somin said:
Liberal Democratic advocates of compulsory voting are in part motivated by the hope that it will generate increased turnout among young people and racial minorities, thereby securing more electoral victories for their party. But Democratic strategists’ hopes for a bonanza of extra votes in that quarter are matched by GOP hopes for higher turnout among working class whites, who in recent elections have tended to back Republicans, but also have relatively low turnout rates. In addition, as Brennan emphasizes, lower-class and less-educated voters tend to be more socially conservative as well as more economically left-wing. Thus, even if increased turnout within this group gave the Democrats more victories, the resulting Democratic Party would likely be more socially conservative.

The net partisan and ideological effect of mandatory voting is thus difficult to predict, especially once we consider the potential impact of both parties’ adopting new campaign strategies to account for the fact that they will be facing an even more ignorant electorate than at present. One particularly dangerous possibility is that both parties will tend to cater more to the less knowledgeable parts of their respective bases, since those groups would be a higher percentage of the total electorate. If that happens, we could all be net losers from compulsory voting, regardless of whether we currently prefer the Democrats to the Republicans or vice versa.

Ultimately, I don't think Somin's point is to discourage compulsory voting because the outcomes will be the opposite of what is imagined; it is to encourage thinking critically about the move before making it (though, obviously, he's opposed to the idea for a number of reasons). It seems clear that more voters wouldn't automatically mean more Democrats elected, and, what's more, even to the extent that more Democrats would be elected under a compulsory voting regime, it's not at all clear that those Democrats would favor the sorts of policies that today's voting Democrats are hoping for.

The political scientist's attack on what he calls the Demographic Argument is particularly unconvincing, I think. The idea is that voters typically vote altruistically in the sense that they try to vote for what's best for the country, and advantaged voters, by virtue of being more informed, are better equipped to determine what's best for the country. They're in a better position to make political decisions on behalf of disadvantaged non/voters than the disadvantaged themselves. His example is positions on free trade. But it's easy to imagine that a person's position of advantage is itself an obstacle to their understanding of what's best for the disadvantaged, either out of ignorance of the actual state of the disadvantaged or because of various cognitive biases.

I think you're overlooking that Brennan is not building an affirmative case here. Instead, he's attempting to negate a claim that forcing the disadvantaged to vote would result in policies that better their predicament. So this isn't like making the affirmative case that slavery was better for blacks because they got free meals and lodging.

As an aside, it seems to me that Brennan addressed your very complaint about voters from advantaged demographics:

Jason Brennan said:
Third, the argument seems to presume that voter vote for their self-interest. But we have overwhelming empirical evidence, drawn from hundreds of studies, that they don’t vote their self-interest. Instead, they vote altruistically, for what they perceive to be in the national interest. So, it’s not obvious that we need to protect poor voters from high income voters, because high income voters are already trying to vote on behalf of poor voters.

Ah, you might say, but might advantaged voters be wrong or mistaken in their beliefs about what it takes to help disadvantaged voters? Absolutely! In fact, I’m pretty sure most of them are systematically mistaken. But this brings us to the fourth, most damning problem with the Demographic Argument. The disadvantaged are much more likely to be mistaken in their beliefs about what it takes to help them.

To know whom to vote for, it is not enough to know what political policies different politicians advocate. One also needs to know whether those politicians have any hope of implementing those policies, and what the likely effect of those policies would be. One thus needs massive amounts of social scientific knowledge. In our voluntary voting regime, most voters lack this knowledge, but current non-voters have even less of it. Yes, members of certain demographic groups tend to vote less than others. Their voice in government is thus weaker. Yet, those groups also tend to have little basic political or social scientific knowledge. They are often systematically misinformed. Compulsory voting just floods the polls with ignorant or misinformed voters.

Metaphoreus, if that's your serious opinion, or if you don't see the major problem with Cannon's argument, I would suggest that you reconsider whether or not you are qualified to speak at such length on the subject

If you and I are to the point of airing grievances over how the other has participated in this discussion, here are mine: From the very first moment when you deigned to enlighten us with your opinion on the subject, you've done little more than belittle and demonize (like, literally demonize) me and anyone else who would have the audacity of believing differently from you about the case. Rather than addressing arguments, you've insisted on commenting almost exclusively on the mental and character flaws that you are certain must exist within your opponents. (Well, I guess there was that one time when you almost made a substantive argument.)

This most recent series of posts is no different. You misunderstood (giving you the benefit of the doubt) Cannon's argument, and offered a rebuttal to the argument you thought he made (but didn't). Since I pointed that out, you've now shifted to attacking my qualifications to even participate in this discussion. You continue to offer little beyond vitriol, contempt, and hatred for anyone who disagrees with your opinion, confirming the wisdom of my earlier decision to ignore your posts on this subject. And so I shall resume my former posture.

But, before doing so, I offer the following response to the remainder of your post: if Cannon is right that burdens imposed on residents of a state (as opposed to the state governments themselves) can never rise to the level of unconstitutional coercion, then it doesn't matter how negatively the lack of credits would affect the insurance markets. You keep arguing that the practical effects of a pro-King outcome would be "serious," "a big f****** deal," and an "absolute disaster," but those are not the relevant legal questions, which is what Cannon is (and the Supreme Court would be, if they take up the coercion theory) addressing. This is what you (and certain others) have failed to understand: the Court is not called upon to opine on a policy question, but a legal question.
 

Wilsongt

Member
Crazy god fearing wackos gonna crazy.

http://www.vox.com/2015/3/22/8270411/california-lgbt-executions

Orange County attorney Matt McLaughlin paid the $200 filing fee on February 26 to submit the "Sodomite Suppression Act" to voters on November 2016.

The proposal has no chance of becoming law, since it's unconstitutional and would most likely never get approval from California voters, but it's drawn national attention because its provisions are so abhorrent and extreme.

As the San Francisco Chronicle and Sacramento Bee reported, the proposal would require the execution of anyone who touches a person of the same sex for sexual gratification by "bullets to the head or by any other convenient method." It declares that it's "better that offenders should die rather than that all of us should be killed by God's just wrath." Private citizens would be allowed to step in to act as executioners if the state didn't within a year, meaning that the murder of gay and lesbian people would effectively be legalized.

The measure would also make it illegal, with the threat of a $1 million fine, up to 10 years in prison, and permanent expulsion from the state, to advocate for gay rights to an audience that includes minors.
And it would require posting the measure's language prominently in public school classrooms.

The initiative specifies that its constitutionality could only be decided by a California Supreme Court that doesn't include LGBT justices and their supporters, but that portion would only be true if the measure passed.
 
Cannon isn't right, lets just put that to rest right now. The harm of losing subsidies falls on citizens, but the loss of unsubsidized plans when insurance cannot be bought for any price in a state, and the further loss of jobs and state GDP when insurers close up shop and leave, must be considered a burden on the state.

So there Cannon is 0/1. The rest of his article is essentially: this wouldn't be so bad because New York and some other states had similar policies (and their individual insurance markets were virtually dead as a result), so it can't be considered coercive. I'm sure Oregon would disagree. Quite vehemently, in fact. I'd love to see you and Cannon debate them on this subject.
 
Sounds like this guy would dig the institution of Sharia Law in the US. He should look for allies in the Muslim fundamentalist community.

Assuming it's the same guy, he's indeed in favor of a muslim-catholic alliance.

Muslims and Catholics together comprise over half of the world's population. Increased cooperation and joint efforts by these two communities can bring about a positive change in the world.

but that's mostly because he hates jews.

Matt McLaughlin • 4 months ago
Didn't Ronald Reagan condemn Israel in 1981 when Israel attacked Iraq?
I think Reagan said something about,
"....the inalienable sovereign right of Iraq, and all other States, especially the developing countries, to establish a program of technological and nuclear development."
In his STAR WARS Speech didn't Reagan say, 'We will never be the aggressor."?
I'm looking for the first few Reagan Republicans to condemn the said planned attack against Iran. Betcha not one has the guts to make a stand for fear of being called an
anti-something rather.

Matt McIslam,
Do you dislike Jews so much due to their amazing successes? Is it really as simple as you being envious? Usually the simplest answer is the correct one.

Matt McLaughlin • 4 months ago
i think its how English built walls around Derry in 1608 using Christian Zionism to oust the native Irish. its SO akin to what the world suffers in Palestine thanks to the same limey empire; the walled city is an interesting study, you know>how it fails. How about you 'Arafat', what makes you want to stick israel's infected organ down your throat so far? Where'd you get the kneepads signed' love Bibi'?

I'll go ahead and assume that it's the same guy.
 

NeoXChaos

Member
idk guys, we cant live with future presidencies needing control of congress for their party to get anything done. Unless, one argues it is an isolated obama case. I do wonder however if it was President Clinton in 2009, would the right have been so invested in making her fail.

I wonder if in 2017, we go back to a normalcy. Obama got more done in 2 years than hes gotten in the rest of his presidency. Such a waste for such a promising candidate/presidency. Obama was naive, though nothing of his fault.
 
I wonder if in 2017, we go back to a normalcy. Obama got more done in 2 years than hes gotten in the rest of his presidency. Such a waste for such a promising candidate/presidency. Obama was naive, though nothing of his fault.

To state the obvious, getting shit done is only part of his job.

The other part is preventing the other side from pushing their agenda.

Which he performed, and continues to perform, quite well.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
idk guys, we cant live with future presidencies needing control of congress for their party to get anything done.

Actually, I wonder if we could. If deadlock becomes the status quo in the federal government, I wonder how much that could be offset by a shift in power back to state governments?

EDIT: Who am I kidding? It will be offset by a shift in power to executive agencies.
 
Actually, I wonder if we could. If deadlock becomes the status quo in the federal government, I wonder how much that could be offset by a shift in power back to state governments?

To state the obvious, that'd only result in a shift in power towards the judiciary.

Which the edit will also cause.
 
I don't think so, because it wouldn't be accomplished through the federal judiciary restricting federal power. Or did you mean something else?

Your initial logic appeared to be

Congress does nothing => state legislators pick up slack cuz fuckit, subsidiary powers

Which i assumed was a valid logical step since people in state legislatures are usually overstepping imbeciles (anecdotal evidence). Which would often trigger judicial review, thus, power shift towards the judiciary.

Then you added Executive power, which would result in

Congress does nothing => Executive goes "yo son, i got dis"

Which would also result in someone suing someone over something cuz overreach, which again means the Judiciary would get more play.
 

Metaphoreus

This is semantics, and nothing more
Your initial logic appeared to be

Congress does nothing => state legislators pick up slack cuz fuckit, subsidiary powers

Which i assumed was a valid logical step since people in state legislatures are usually overstepping imbeciles (anecdotal evidence). Which would often trigger judicial review, thus, power shift towards the judiciary.

Then you added Executive power, which would result in

Congress does nothing => Executive goes "yo son, i got dis"

Which would also result in someone suing someone over something cuz overreach, which again means the Judiciary would get more play.

Yeah, but in most fields, the states already have authority to legislate, so it's hard to imagine that more power would shift to the judiciary as a result of shifting to the states.
 

Gotchaye

Member
Then why would you suggest a shift to the executive?

That's kind of what is happening, right?

Over the course of his presidency, Obama's gotten a lot more willing to just do stuff by executive order, and we've seen agencies feeling a need to make new policy in a way that they probably wouldn't if we had a well-functioning Congress. On immigration, Obama's now trying to do some of what basically all of Congress says they'd like to do, except without Congress. The FCC did net neutrality by itself, and there was even some movement in Congress to specifically not do anything until the FCC made a decision. The EPA started regulating greenhouse gases in 2011, and almost certainly this had to do with Congress' failure to act on climate change (though the Supreme Court restricted what it could do here pretty recently). We could talk about foreign policy and Congress' bizarre inability to really even debate an authorization for military force, but presidential power in this area is perhaps more firmly established.

It's really striking just how little we expect from Congress anymore. I mean, just look at all the King v Burwell stuff (if this starts an argument about what the law says people will get banned). Whatever the merits of the case, on some level Scalia's totally right that this really shouldn't be a big deal because, if what the law actually says is terrible, Congress can fix it in about five minutes. But of course no one thinks Congress can get its act together for that long, so there's all this concern that the Supreme Court is deciding whether a bunch of people get tax credits or not.

So the other branches pick up the slack. The executive interprets its authority as broadly as possible, and this is really hard to check because actually nobody wants to check it when the alternative is relying on a useless Congress, so the Court is often going to end up agreeing that this is how we've got to do things now.
 

bomma_man

Member
That's kind of what is happening, right?

Over the course of his presidency, Obama's gotten a lot more willing to just do stuff by executive order, and we've seen agencies feeling a need to make new policy in a way that they probably wouldn't if we had a well-functioning Congress. On immigration, Obama's now trying to do some of what basically all of Congress says they'd like to do, except without Congress. The FCC did net neutrality by itself, and there was even some movement in Congress to specifically not do anything until the FCC made a decision. The EPA started regulating greenhouse gases in 2011, and almost certainly this had to do with Congress' failure to act on climate change (though the Supreme Court restricted what it could do here pretty recently). We could talk about foreign policy and Congress' bizarre inability to really even debate an authorization for military force, but presidential power in this area is perhaps more firmly established.

It's really striking just how little we expect from Congress anymore. I mean, just look at all the King v Burwell stuff (if this starts an argument about what the law says people will get banned). Whatever the merits of the case, on some level Scalia's totally right that this really shouldn't be a big deal because, if what the law actually says is terrible, Congress can fix it in about five minutes. But of course no one thinks Congress can get its act together for that long, so there's all this concern that the Supreme Court is deciding whether a bunch of people get tax credits or not.

So the other branches pick up the slack. The executive interprets its authority as broadly as possible, and this is really hard to check because actually nobody wants to check it when the alternative is relying on a useless Congress, so the Court is often going to end up agreeing that this is how we've got to do things now.

Sounds a bit like the end of the Roman Republic...
 
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