Well, Frank McKenna got 79% of the seats in '91 NB election with 47% of the vote (and 100% of the seats in the '87 NB election with 65% of the vote); Chretien got 60% of the seats in the 1993 election with 38% of the vote (including 101/103 seats in Ontario with 49% of the vote); Ralph Klein got several super-majorities. I'm not really sure how it'd be a fringe case to suggest, as maharg did, that in the current system a targeted 25% of the vote that was geographically concentrated in key ridings would be able to achieve a majority, and that's without taking into account abysmal turnout rates that further distort representativeness.
Perhaps the most instructive case of outsized representation from voting was the BQ in '93, not because of proportion of votes to seats, but more from simple intuition. Official opposition status. They only ran in one province. They got 72% of the seats in that province. They got less than 50% of the vote in that province.
... you don't just get to redefine what representation means to mean "meh, I'm represented". You can quantify who is represented and who is not, and you can quantify ways to improve representation. It's also funny that you say "the majority" of Canadians are represented, when they plainly aren't; we have a majority government that was elected by a minority of voters.
No one is arguing that electoral reforms should be imposed against the public's will, but I also get the sense that you've chosen the case because its outcome agrees with your argument rather than because you believe that the campaign was conducted fairly and charitably and the outcome reflects a real public debate on the issue.